Friday, 14 September 2012

Sport in Lisburn - Past and Present, 1910 (pt2)


SOME EXTRACTS
FROM THE
RECORDS OF
OLD LISBURN
AND THE
MANOR OF KILLULTAGH.

-- -- -- --
Edited by JAMES CARSON.
-- -- -- --

C.

-- -- -- --

SPORT IN LISBURN --
PAST AND PRESENT, 1910.

Compiled and Edited by
R. C. Bannister and
R. V. Hamilton.

RUGBY FOOTBALL.

About the year 1878 the Cricket Club permitted the Rugby Club to erect their posts on the vacant ground on the north side of the playing pitch.

Among those who played for Hertford in the few years of its life as a Rugby Club the names which jump into mind include the Warings (Charlie and Sam), Bob, Jack, and Alfie Savage; Joe and Charlie Atkinson, Bob Alister, Hugh Mulhollahd, Sam Beggs, Johnston Watson, Charles Mockler, W. J. Meechan, Arthur Williamson.

In 1882-84 Rugby football in Lisburn was in a very flourishing condition. Bob Savage, whose value to the game can never be accurately measured, while captaining Hertford, organised in Stewart's Mill a team calling themselves Lisnagarvey. Of that team one man at least, given better opportunities, would have reached high, if not international class, to wit, Joe M'Mullan.

This club subsequently extended its borders, and many young townsmen joined it and became fine players and good sportsmen. Then the Good Templars organised a club, calling it "Triumph" after the lodge of that name. This club produced such stalwarts as Tom Getgood, Willie Lavery, Bob Greenfield, and Sam Waring. On one occasion Mr. Williamson, acting as hon. secretary for Hertford, found himself in difficulties for a team. He went to the Good Templar Hall in search of subs., and was met by the four worthies mentioned above. A bargain was proposed: the four would turn out, but the secretary must join the lodge. He did. There was also some good school football. There were two Intermediate Schools in the town, each having a team. On occasion these two joined forces and played as the Lisburn Academicals. The Ulster Provincial School also had a fine team, for which the Davies played.

In 1884 all this activity stopped with a crash. By a majority the Hertford Club decided to take up the Association game. The Ulster Provincial School followed suit; the two Intermediate Schools were combined; the Triumph and Lisnagarvey clubs ceased to exist. It seemed as though the death-knell of Rugby football in Lisburn had been sounded. The darkest hour had been reached: the dawn was at hand.

In January, 1885, in response to letters notifying the purchase of a cup for competition among the senior clubs, a meeting was held in the Tea Rooms in Market Street. Only seven men turned up -- Sam Morrison, Jack Savage, W. J. Meehan, Arthur Williamson, Bob Alister, H. W. Major (a mere schoolboy), and Bob Greenfield. It was decided to enter a team for the cup competition. The colossal cheek of that decision makes one, looking back over the long interval of time, both sad and merry. The Union fee and the cup subscription were made up at the meeting. Morrison became captain; Meehan, secretary; and Williamson, treasurer, the greatest sinecure ever invented.

The young team, however, found itself in the final at the first time of asking. The result was remarkable. R.W. Morrow now joined, and Stavely Dick, then at Queen's College, Cork, hurried home to assist. But North were taking no chances. They put on a side containing nine international. Lisburn were beaten by two goals and two tries to a goal dropped by Morrow, and worthy of even his great reputation. Gathering the ball near his own twenty-five, and bursting through, he ran almost to half-way. Then wheeling between two opponents he took his shot. Those who saw that goal agree that no finer score was ever made. The position of the club was now firmly established, and the season 1885-6 opened with every prospect of success. Morrow took up the captaincy, and Williamson combined the offices of secretary and treasurer, retaining thorn until the dissolution of the club in 1889.

The cup team of 1886-7 was made up as follows:-- Full back, F. W. Armstrong; three-quarters or quarters, Morrow, Holmes, Wheeler; halves, Jim Stevenson, Gardiner; forwards, R. Stevenson, B. Gibb, Major Greenfield, Totten, Mockler, Forsythe, Ashcroft, and Williamson.

Stewart Irwin, who rendered the side good service during the season, had to stand out of the cup match as the result of an accident. Waring had cracked his knee in a practice match. J. S. Dick was at Cork. He and R. Stevenson were capped in this year in all international matches, assisting Ireland to beat England for the first time in the history of these games. North beat Lisburn in the cup tie by a try to nil.

On 30th March, 1888, the Lisburn team was -- Full back, F. W. Armstrong; three-quarters, Dunlop, Holmes, Morrow: halves, J. Stevenson. G. Waring: forwards, Dick (captain), Stevenson, Mockler, Irwin, Major, Greenfield, Totten, Keery, and Williamson.

That is was a great team goes without saying. Morrow was unquestionably one of the greatest full backs the game has yet produced. Holmes was one of those superb players who excel at every game they play. As Morrow's successor at full back for Ireland he shared in the eventful period when Ireland at length attained the measure of her great rivals, England and Scotland. Dunlop was for several years Ireland's best wing "three." Jim Stevenson, capped at "half" in the following year, 1889, was the last "big" man to occupy that position. Waring but for his injured leg, would without doubt have also got his cap. Bob Stevenson may dispute with J. W. Taylor in earlier days and with Tedford in recent times the title of Ireland's greatest forward. J.S. Dick, capped 1887, probably holds the record for captaining cup-winning teams. Mockler and Major both represented Ulster in their day and generation. The rest did their best to prove themselves worthy of such august company.

But the end was at hand. Time moving forward brought closer to many of the team the inevitable process of "getting qualified." And when the earlier matches of 1888-9 came round the personnel showed many changes. Still, when at Christmas, Bective Rovers, holders of the Leinster Cup, met Lisburn, holders of the Ulster Cup, a scoreless draw was the result of a very hard tussle. Later, in Dublin, Wanderers beat Lisburn by a try, the feature or the game being Wheeler's display at half after an absence from the game of over twelve months. Our defeat by Queen's in the second round of the cup by a try to liil closes the tale of the grand old club.

Rugby football was practically defunct in the town till the Lisburn Wheelers' Cycling Club, feeling the necessity of having some form of winter sport in which their members could engage, decided to take up the game of Rugby football, and in the autumn of 1899 formed a club called the Lisburn Wheelers' Rugby F.C. The following officials were appointed:-- Captain, J, T. Kirkwood; committee, James Stockman, John Jefferson, J. T. Wilson, F. M'Murray, J. F. M'Kinstry, Joe Keery, W. A. Mussen, with E. B. Waring as hon. secretary.

The first practice game was held in a field at Hogg's Locks, but the club was afterwards able to secure the use of the ground inside the cycling track in Wallace Park for their games.

The following players comprised the first team:-- Back, Wm. Dickson; three-quarters, Joe Stewart, W. A. Mussen, James M'Intyre, and Wm. Mussen; halves, J. T. Kirkwood (captain) and W. Keery; forwards, J. F. M'Kinstry, J. T. Wilson, H. Wilson, Joe Kerry. R. Gilmore, Fred Bestall, James Stockman, and E. B. Waring.

LISNAGARVEY HOCKEY CLUB.

It was in September, 1902, that a group of three met in the Temperance Institute. The subject of discussion turned on winter games; and a suggestion made by one to form a Hockey club soon became the resolute determination of Messrs. R. C. Bannister, W. S. Duncan, and E. E. Wilson. Likely members were at once interviewed, and many promises of support obtained. A meeting was called, and after many and varied proposals, the new club was finally named the Lisnagarvey Hockey Club. The club colours chosen were dark and light blue. The first office-bearers were -- Captain Mr. R. C. Bannister; hon. secretary, Mr. W. S. Duncan; hon. treasurer, Mr. E. E. Wilson.

The following is the list of original members:-- Messrs. R. C. Bannister, B. Boyd, E. Boyd, W. S. Duncan, F. Garrett, R. V. Hamilton, Hector B. Hanna, J. G. Hanna, N. Kilpatrick. E. S. H. Thompson, J. H. Wilson, and W. J. Wilson. During the season Mr. R. C. Bannister resigned the captaincy and Mr. E. E. Wilson the treasurership, and at a general meeting Mr. W. S. Duncan was elected, captain, Mr. R. C. Bannister hon. secretary, and Mr. J. H. Wilson hon. treasurer.

Winners Minor League (Mulholland Shield), 1904-05 -- Wm. J. Wilson, H. B. Hanna, B. Boyd, A. M'Cluggage, A. T. Annesley, J. H. Wilson, A. E. Boyd (captain), F. G. Hall, R. C. Bannister, J. H. Simpson, and N. B. Kilpatrick.

Winners Junior League, and Junior Cup 1906-07 --  A. M'Cluggage, F. Haten, R. V. Hamilton, R. C. Bannister, Wm. J. Wilson, W. S. Duncan, J. H. Simpson, H. H. Burrowes, E. Boyd, J. H. Wilson (captain), F. G. Hull, B. Boyd, J. L. Barclay, and R. P. MacGregor.

Players in 1910, with the eleven they most frequently play for:--

The First XI. custodian is E. F. C. Holmes, too well known in hocket circles to require any laudatory remarks; Hull and M'Murray are those usually seen in the rear division; while Hamilton, Patterson, and J. H. Wilson form the half line. In the fore-rank Lester, Bannister, Boyd, Hanna, and Boyd may be seen; Simpson and Garrett being next in order.

The Second XI. goal is graced by E. Brown; the back division manned by Duncan, Allen, or J. Hanna; in tho half line, Gillespie, John Wilson, M'Cluggage, or Arnold; forwards, Smith, MacGregor, Simpson, Garrett, Stevenson.

T. Malcolmson is goalkeeper for the Third XI. The backs are a changing quantity, Wm. Wilson, Rice, Bannister, Murray, and others appearing. In the half line they have Russell, Harty, D. M'Gregor, S. Boyd, Cunningham, Greene: and fore, Allen, Goldsmith, J. C. Carson, T. Wilson, Gray, Boyd, Kilpatrick.

The Fourth XI. is composed of the lesser lights of those mentioned in Third XI., with Q. Dunlop, H. Morrow, J. Alexander, S. Goldsmith, and C. Garrett.

Many Lisnagarvey players have been selected for representative matches. In junior circles Messrs. E. Boyd and F. G. Hull were chosen for Ulster v. Leinster, and last season Mr. J. H. Simpson got his place for Ulster; and in senior circles F. G. Hull has, of late years, been selected regularly for the Provincial matches. Those appearing in other representative matches in junior or senior circles include Messrs. E. Boyd, H. Burrowes, Wm. J. Wilson, C. Lester, F. G. M'Murray, W. Patterson, and R. V. Hamilton.

(Next week: Golf.)



(This article was originally published in the Lisburn Standard on 13 September 1918 as part of a series which ran in that paper each week for several years. The text along with other extracts can be found on my website Eddies Extracts.)

Thursday, 6 September 2012

The Charge of the Irish Brigades


GUILLEMONT
AND GINCHY.


Anniversary of the Charge of the Irish Brigades.

This week, two years ago, the Irish Division added another chapter to the history of Irish valour. France can never forget Guillemont or Ginchy.

The battle of the Somme had entered on its third month when the Irish Division was moved into the zone of operations. They came -- they saw -- and for all time they emblazoned on their colours the names of Guillemont and Ginchy. These two villages were key positions. Once in our hands, the whole of the German second line of defence was broken. Knowing their value, the Germans had made tremendous preparations for their defence and thrown their best troops into both. But the Irish Brigades took them in their stride.

Guillemont fell on Sunday, September 3rd, to a charge which was one of the most astonishing features of the war. The pipes playing and the green flag flying, the Irish battalions swept on like a human avalanche. They had been "fed up" with the weary months of trench fighting. Now they were in the open, the fighting every Irishman loves, and they thirsted to get to close quarters with the enemy. Right through the first, the second, and third German lines of trenches they swept with an irresistible rush till the whole of the village was in their hands. By Sunday night, victory was overwhelming and complete.

For six days the Irish Brigades held the captured ground, lying in shell-holes under constant shellfire, and without hot food or much water. Then, on the afternoon of September 9th, came the order for the attack on Ginchy. Amid a wild "Hurroosh" and the cries of "Up Dublin!" "Up Munsters!" and "Up the Rifles!" they swept forward, pipes again skirling and the green flag waving. In eight minutes after starting-time they had reached their first objective in the village, right across the first German trenches -- a distance of 600 yards, which is a wonderful record. The right was checked for a little by a post of German machine-guns, but a brilliant little encircling movement drove the gunners out and the whole line advanced. Reckless of snipers and machine-guns, the Irish swept through the village, searching out the "Jerrios" in their concrete dugouts and tunnelled chambers. They were Bavarians and fought savagely, but the Irish bayonet was too much for them. The work was short, sharp and decisive. Within ten minutes of reaching the centre of the village the Dublin's, who were in the van of the attack, had got 200 yards beyond the northern side.

A rare Imperial War Museum photograph showing the attack on Ginchy

But the rapidity of the advance was not without its drawbacks. The troops on their right and left had not been able to keep up with them, and so the Irish Division found themselves in Ginchy with both the right and left flanks "in the air," a situation full of disaster according to military experts. But the Irish Brigade recked nothing of their theoretical peril, they were determined to hold what they had got, and THEY DID IT.
"The splendid success of the Irish Brigade from a military point of view is their success of taking a hostile front of 900 yards to the depth of nearly a mile with no supporting troops on either flank."
This is the tribute of an Englishman, Mr. Philip Gibbs, the distinguished war correspondent. He goes on to say:--
"From a non-militarily, technical, human point of view the greatness of the capture of Ginchy is just in the valour of these Irish boys, who were not awed by the sight of death very close to them and all about them, and who went straight on to the winning-posts like Irish race horses. The men who were ordered to stay in the village almost wept with rage because they could not join in the next assault."
The following morning they came out of the battle, weary and spent, but marching erect with heads held high. The honours of the field were with them; they had done a good day's work for Ireland. Decked with German caps and helmets, and bearing many a souvenir of their victory, they met a battalion of the Irish Guards going up to the line. "Up the Dubs.!" shouted the Guardsmen as they passed. "Up the Micks!" came the answer in shoot. IRISHMAN ALL.

And they strode proudly along, back to the rest they had earned so well; and as the pipers played them out, now with a march of triumph for the deeds they had wrought, and now with a lament for the boys who never would march behind their flag again, each man felt sure if his heart that his countrymen at home would see to it that the dead would not be unavenged or the living be deserted by their brother Irishman.

WILL THEY?



The text of this article was originally published in the Lisburn Standard on 6 September 1918 and can be found along with other extracts on my website Eddies Extracts.

Image Top: http://romanchristendom.blogspot.co.uk/2011_11_01_archive.html
Image 2: http://www.freewebs.com/ireland1418/irishonthesomme.htm


Sport in Lisburn - Past and Present, 1910


SOME EXTRACTS
FROM THE
RECORDS OF
OLD LISBURN
AND THE
MANOR OF KILLULTAGH.

-- -- -- --
Edited by JAMES CARSON.
-- -- -- --

XCIX.

-- -- -- --

SPORT IN LISBURN --
PAST AND PRESENT, 1910.

Compiled and Edited by
R. C. Bannister and
R. V. Hamilton.

This volume of almost 200 pages was produced in connection with a bazaar held in the Orange Hall, Lisburn, October, 1910, in aid of the Funds of the Cricket, Lawn Tennis, and Hockey Clubs. It contains fourteen good illustrations, and a considerable amount of interesting amount of interesting regarding cricket, golf, Rugby and Association football, hockey, athletics, lawn tennis, lacrosse, bowls, hunting, angling, chess, &c., as practised in Lisburn.

Preface.

Our primary object in compiling this work was to raise money for a stall in connection with "Ye Grande Athletic Bazaare." We also wished to produce a volume dealing with sport in Lisburn which would be a companion to the General History published some years ago under the editorship of Mr. W. J. Greene.

We readily acknowledge the valuable information supplied from outside sources, as a result of which ours has largely been a task of arranging the material. Had such help not been given most generously and unsparingly by many "old sports" the book would never have been even so complete as it is. We have, thanks to the courtesy of the present officials, had access to the old minute books of most of the local clubs. We are also indebted to the proprietor of the "Lisburn Standard" for the files of his paper. But such records in the hands of strangers give but meagre information compared with the recollections of "the Boys of the Old Brigade," and it is of these latter we are glad to say that our book is mainly composed.

In regard to the article on Cricket, we are indebted to Messrs. R. Bannister, M. Lyons, Joseph Stevenson, F. Williamson, Rev. J. I. Peacocke, and J. Beattie.

In Association Football, to Messrs. H. Mulholland, James M'Carrison, J. Fitzpatrick, J. Kinghan, H. Hunter, S. Williamson, P. Corrigan, and J. H. Gillespie.

In Rugby, our chief debt is to Mr. Arthur Williamson as regards the earlier club, and indeed we may say here that almost every member of the old Cup team of '88 with whom we corresponded displayed the greatest interest and enthusiasm in our attempt to create a permanent memento of Lisburn sport. As to the later club, Mr. William Mussen is our chief collaborator.

In Hockey, to Messrs. E. T. S. Wilson, T. L. Price, D. Stevenson, and H. Mulholland, for the Lisburn Club; and to "Homester" of the "Standard*' for the Lisnagarvey Club.

In Lacrosse, to Mr. H. Mulholland.

In Golf, to Dr. Rentoul, Messrs. James Carson, J. H. E. Griffith, H. M'Callum, and R. Pedlow.

In Tennis, to Rev. G. R. Bell.

In Bowls and Quoits, to Dr. Magill and Mr. R Bannister.

In Hunting, to Mr. James Davidson, well-known in hunting circles as "Nimrod;" and to Mr. G. H. Clarke, one who has been long identified with this branch of sport.

In Athletics, to Messrs. R. Bannister, A. Williamson, J. Hughes, J. Dorman, and W. H. Oliver; also to many runners of the old days.

Amongst those also rendering assistance were Messrs. T. E. Wethers, W. J. Murray, J. G. Hanna, and W. J. Greene.

Lisburn in 1854.

Cricket in Lisburn dates back to 1836. The club's first ground was in a field off the Ballinderry Road; afterwards a new ground was found on the Low Road, in a portion of the fields now surrounding the Fort House; and subsequently play was in a field at the junction of the Belfast and Derriaghy Roads, about where the eastern lodge of the Park now stands. The present ground was entered on in the year 1854, and the great changes to be made and difficulties to be overcome in rearranging, draining, and laying out the ground were successfully carried out largely owing to the support and help given by the sons of the late Dean Stannus and others.

A stream ran through the middle of the present field from east to west; this was turned out of its course to the north side of the field, where it now runs in a covered drain until it emerges again at the Railway Walk. The ground prior to this was used as a townpark grazing by Mr. John Finlay, who rented it from the Estate Office.

Walking from Market Square down Railway Street, in the year 1854, we have on our left Lennon's hotel and posting establishment, where now the Northern Bank is built; and on the right, opposite, Dr. Musgrave's dwelling-house and yard, with his dispensary shop in Castle Street. Further down on the right we come to the Police Barrack, afterwards the Post Office, and now a dispensary.

Passing on, we come to Kelly's yard, house, and garden. This yard was bounded at the back by a fine row of very tall yew trees, and the garden hedge in Railway Street was adorned with a row of the most artistic productions, in thorns, in the shape of cocks, hens, and other productions inside the range of the hedge shears. The Orange Hall now stands on a part of the space of this old garden. The only other house on this side was occupied by W. J. Knox, plumber, his garden extending to a stone wall which fenced the Dean's meadow, right down to the railway crossing. Coming down the street, on the left we pass the Friends' Meetinghouse and burial-ground, and Wardsboro, now the site of the Post Office, and then we come to a bit of old Lisburn, when Railway Street was Jackson's Lane. Three or four thatched houses with two steps up to a narrow terrace before getting to the level of the doorway. These were taken down to make room for Second Lisburn Presbyterian Church. From this until Armstrong's old wall is reached a hedge bordered the street, enclosing orchards; and passing to Bachelors' Walk we see a long avenue of large trees running down both sides its entire length, and a high wall with tower upon it protecting Graham's and other gardens on the south side, while a deep stream and hedge bordered the north side of this fine thoroughfare. The level crossing is reached, the gates are open, and we now cross over and reach the Dean's Walk. Before us, northward, rise two roads -- Pennington's Hill and School Ann Hill; the latter closed to the public, and overlooked by gatekeeper's house to the right. On walking along the Dean's Walk for about one hundred yards, we stop, turn southward, and coming to the end of Waring's field, we mount a ditch, pass the turnstile at its summit, and keeping along the pathway we arrive at a number of steps, up which we climb, and now find ourselves overlooking the Lisburn Cricket Ground.

Cricket.

The Lisburn Cricket Club was in the fifties one of the leading clubs in Ulster, and acknowledged at that time no superior. The N.I.C.C. was its principal rival. Later, in the sixties and seventies, Belfast, Armagh, Waringstown, and Comber furnished elevens equal to Lisburn's best.

A crisis in the history of the club occurred in 1884, just prior to the Wallace Park being handed over to the town. Some misunderstanding having arisen in the matter of the terms of Sir Richard Wallace's offer, caused a great divergence of opinion in Lisburn, and some of the Town Council of that day were in favour of voting a refusal to accept the gift of the Park unless the cricket field was included.

Sir Richard Wallace was petitioned. His agent, Mr. Capron, waited on by deputation in London, and every legitimate means was employed to influence opinion and retain the ground. The four granite boundary stones show how successful these efforts were, and to-day the wisdom of excluding the cricket ground is almost universally admitted.

In the years 1858-1862 the names of T. R. and Walter Stannus, Captain Clements, and C. K. Cordner appear prominently. Ten years later and after appear the names of H. Manley, Richardson, J. N. R. Pim, Clarke, C. H. M'Call, A. and W. T. Finlay, Mack, Robert and William Bannister, Stevenson, J. R. Bristow, Bedford, Smyth, Preston, M'Clure, Harlin, Mussen, O'Flaherty, D. E. Henning, Vint, Major Cowan, Moeran, Donnelly, G. Coombe, Meehan, and others.

For many years no protection from weather existed on the field but the trees. Only during matches was a tent used. Later a small house was built on the North side of the field, which remained till 1885. The present pavilion was designed by Mr. Geo. Sands and built by Mr. Aaron Sinclair. It was improved and enlarged somewhat in 1887, and repairs have been made of later date.

A goodly number of the players of the past decade were still available, and these, with the addition of A. D. White, Woods, Irvine, Stevenson, M'Comb, H. Stevenson, H. and H. W. Major, Mearns, Hull, Bullick, Ffennell, Alister, and J. Hale, maintained the club's reputation in 1896.

In the year 1898 a second eleven was formed, in which we see the following players:-- J. F. Robinson, C. B. Ffennell, J. Jackson, H. Nelson, E. T. S. Wilson, J. G. Wilson, J. A. M'Cloy, J. M'Culloch, E. Alister, D. B. Simpson; and later, B. Nelson, R. B. Belfridge, J. Kinkead, G. and L. Stevenson, S. R. M'Clintock, V. Thompson, and M. Stevenson.

Second eleven in 1903 -- S. B. Rentoul, H. Whitfield, W. H. Wilson, W. Crane, E. Wilson, J. Wilson, H. D. Kerr, H. J. Barclay, W. Mussen, J. Crane, E. T. S. Wilson.

Second eleven in 1906 -- J. Ellis, F. J. Clarke, D. G. Loughrey, E. E. Wilson, R. C. Bannister, W. A. Mussen, E. T. S. Wilson, W. Megran, R. L. Sinclair, J. H. Crane, R. J. Barclay.

Lisburn Cricket Captains -- 1878, Cordner; 1881-82, R. Bannister; 1883, D. E. Henning; 1884, F. Waring; 1885, G. Waddell (107 members); 1886, captain elected by ballot of members of team present (143 members); 1887-1892, H. W. Major; 1893, G. Mearns; 1894, B. R. F. Bedford; 1895, J. A. Woods; 1896, D. E. Henning; 1897, J. Stevenson; 1898-1901, J. I. Peacocke; 1902-03, J. A. Woods; 1904-05, J. A. M'Cloy; 1906-07, J. J. Carland; 1908-10, E. T. S. Wilson.

Vice-captains -- 1899-1900, H. Stevenson; 1901-05, W. H. M'Comb; 1906-08, H. M'Dowell; 1909-10, W, A. Mussen.

Second Eleven Captains -- 1900, J. F. Robinson; 1901-05, E. T. S. Wilson; 1906, J. Ellis; 1907-06, J. Barclay; 1909, C. O. Hobson; 1910, R. N. Stevenson.

(Next Week: Rugby Football.)


(This article was originally published in the Lisburn Standard on 6 September 1918 as part of a series which ran in that paper each week for several years. The text along with other extracts can be found on my website Eddies Extracts.)

Friday, 31 August 2012

History of Killultagh (pt4)


SOME EXTRACTS
FROM THE
RECORDS OF
OLD LISBURN
AND THE
MANOR OF KILLULTAGH.

-- -- -- --
Edited by JAMES CARSON.
-- -- -- --

XCVIII.

-- -- -- --

HISTORY OF KILLULTAGH.

Rev. W. H. Dundas, B.D.


"Lisburn Standard,"
January 28, 1916.

(Continued.)

Ecclesiastical.

I have not yet found the name of the rector or vicar when the church was built, put Alex. Forbisson is said to have been rector in 1628. At the Royal Visitation of 1633 Chambers is given as curate (probably William, who was appointed vicar of Magheragall in 1635), and in 1637 James Hamilton was made rector. He lived in the troubled times when the Covenant was being forced on the people; and, according to Adair, a Presbyterian writer of the time, he with another "gave the greatest trouble to the Presbytery, as they obstinately adhered to their former courses and denied the Covenant and the authority of the Presbytery. Upon which these hirelings were suspended and thereafter restrained from the exercise of the ministry." The Cathedral register bears Silent testimony to this fact. It contains no entries of baptisms from December, 1646, to 1664. Hamilton was described in 1647 as "deprived by the Presbytery and lurking where he can be entertained" (List of Clergy of the Province of Armagh, Carte Papers). Rawdon said in 1657 that "Mr. Hamilton, who was presented to Blaris, is still alive, but doth not much look after it. I do not know what he may do."

In 1651 the Parliamentary Commissioners sent one Andrew Wyke, an Anabaptist, to preach the Gospel in the North. Adair, who with other Presbyterian ministers had a controversy with him at Antrim, describes him as void of human learning, never educated that way, but a tradesman and imprudent. However, he seems to have made a good impression in Lisnagarvy at first. "The Commissioners,"
writes Rawdon, "have sent us a rare minister, one Mr. Wyke, a most powerful preacher, so that the congregation at Lisnagarvy is very great and look upon it as a great mercy and providence." Wyke was a prime favourite with the Government, which looked after his interests well. When he first came the Privy Council wrote that he was to have a piece of land so that he could keep a horse and some cows, as an encouragement to other ministers and a provision for his family in case of death. Nest year he got £200 to build a house and 100 acres for a dairy and to provide corn for his family. In 1654 he obtained a portion of the lands of Dromore, not exceeding 100 acres, with a lease for seven years. In 1657 he was in receipt of a salary of £150 and the tithes of Blaris, Lambeg, and Derriaghy, and he had the tithes of Magheragall from 1651 to 1655. This was no bad provision for "a man of meek spirit," as the Commissioners described him. However, Mistress Dorothy Rawdon took a strong dislike to him. She wrote to her brother soon after her marriage in 1654 -- "We are arrived (at Hillsborough) anxious to get to our final destination at Lisnegarvy, which is not yet finished. We shall have to live in one end of it until it is finished. There is nothing I dislike here but Mr. Wilkes, whom I never can like. You would very much oblige me if you sent a good minister here, as it is hard to live by such a one as he." Her first impression may not have been far wrong, for Rawdon says neat year -- "Unless Mr. Wyke will do punctual duties besides preaching I do not see how he could be called by the people and presented by the patron." I fear there was no improvement, because in 1658 Rawdon kept the tithes of Lisnegarvy from him, and petitioned that they might go towards building a free school in the town. "Wkye went up with the Lord Chief Baron, but prevailed not, and now does not much account he can stay at Lisnegarvy." In 1658 he was moved to the united parishes of Donaghcloney and Tullylish, but next year the English inhabitants of Magheralin parish petitioned that he might be appointed their minister. We catch a last glimpse of Andrew Wyke in 1663 under changed circumstances; he with other Independent and Presbyterian ministers was put under guard at Carrickfergus for supposed complicity in Blood's Plot; and there we must leave him.

In 1662 Charles II. raised the church to the dignity of the Cathedral Church of Down and Connor, as a recognition of their loyalty. A letter from Rawdon to Conway in 1664 refers to difficulties which had arisen in this connection -- "It will, I think, be very hard to effect this Cathedral work, for I have received a letter last post from my Lord Primate, who says he finds this is not an age to build cathedrals since it is so hard a matter to get one removed; that the judges upon second consideration were of the opinion that the doing of it by bill was a diminution of the King's prerogative, and what they cannot do may be done by a short bill after. Lord Massereene, moreover, is in hopes if the bill passes of having something inserted for his benefit, he being tenant from the Bishop for the lands on which the ruinous walls stand. I think your lordship will not be very sedulous to undertake the work till further consideration."

At this time there was a tax called Hearth Money of 2s for every hearth or fireplace. The lists of those who paid it in 1666 and 1669 are in the Record Office, Dublin, and are most valuable as giving the names of the inhabitants at that time. In Magheragall parish there are 91 names, and only one was the happy possessor of two fireplaces -- Mr. Edward Breare, who, no doubt, lived in the principal house at Brookhill. I did not fully copy the list for Lisburn through  want of time, but I noticed that Lord Conway had 23 hearths; Wm. Clee, Captain Roma, Roger Jackson, and Wm. A. Hoole had four each.

In 1689 Killultagh was in the hands of James' army for several months. But the arrival of Schomberg in August soon changed the state of affairs. During the following winter he fixed his headquarters at Lisburn; his army encamped at a place known as "The Trench," about a mile from Drumbeg. It was surrounded by a high ditch and a deep fosse several  miles extent, which encircled the present properties of Trench House and Belvidere House. The horse and artillery encamped at Brookhill. The ground there was pallisaded, without a trench, and the stakes remained for a long time afterwards. A portion of the ground was eventually converted into a farmyard by "Commodore" Watson. The "Park" adjoining the camp lay in a direct line between Brookhill and the Trench, and was surrounded by a wall. It is still called the Park (U.J.A., vol. iv., Old Series).

In July following was won the Battle of the Boyne, which is noted in the Cathedral Register (in the section for marriages) as follows:-- "God Allm: fought for King W: and gave him a remarkable victory over ye Irish at the Boyne near Tradathye 1: day of July, in 4 days after Tradath and Dublin did yield without blood." (Tradath, Drogheda.)

Bishop Taylor's connection with Lisburn cannot be gone fully into here. He lived at Portmore, Hillsborough, and for some time in a house off the Magheraleave Road, on the left-hand side, part of which is still occupied and part is in ruins. He also resided in a house in Castle Street, where he died in 1667.

(To be Continued.)



(This article was originally published in the Lisburn Standard on 30 August 1918 as part of a series which ran in that paper each week for several years. The text along with other extracts can be found on my website Eddies Extracts.)


Friday, 24 August 2012

History of Killultagh (pt3)

SOME EXTRACTS
FROM THE
RECORDS OF
OLD LISBURN
AND THE
MANOR OF KILLULTAGH.

-- -- -- --
Edited by JAMES CARSON.
-- -- -- --

XCVII.

-- -- -- --

HISTORY OF KILLULTAGH.

Rev. W. H. Dundas, B.D.


"Lisburn Standard,"
January 28, 1916.

(Continued.)

Sir George Rawdon -- Battle of Lisburn.

The most influential man in Killultagh in the 17th century was undoubtedly Sir George Rawdon. He was born at Rawdon Hall, near Leeds, and held office under the first Viscount Conway, who was Secretary of State. After his death Major Rawdon came to Ulster and took up the management of the estate. He was a prominent man in the confused politics of his time, an officer of the British Army in Ulster, and M.P. for Belfast in 1639. Although he was a Royalist at heart, he nevertheless was able to work with the Republicans and Cromwellians when they were in power. Probably some would cal him a trimmer, but trimmers may be useful in times of upheaval and ever-changing fortunes of parties. In 1639 he was employed as a Commissioner for administering the "Black Oath" to all the Scotchmen and women in the province, and says "he was never in so troublesome a business in his life." This was an oath of obedience and loyalty to Charles I., and was intended to defeat the National Covenant. In 1640 he got a lease from Conway of certain manors and lands which must have included Brookhill; it is said to have received its name from Sir Francis Brooke a colonel in Elizabeth's army. In the following year, on October 23rd, the great Rebellion began. There was much fighting in Killultagh, but having examined the Depositions in Trinity College Library I do not think there were many massacres; by this time the English were too strong in the district. Lisnegarvy became a plane of refuge for the flying Protestants, and on Sunday, November 28th, the Irish made a fierce attack upon it because it barred their way to Carrickfergus. Sir George Rawdon was in London on October 23rd, and at once left on hearing the news. The roads were almost impassable in many English shires, and it was three weeks before he reached a Scotch port. He landed at Bangor on November 26th, and got to Lisnegarvy late next evening, where he found the men drawn up in the market place expecting the rebels. There is a most interesting account of the affair in the Cathedral Vestry-book. The Irish leaders, Sir Phelemy O'Neill, Sir Conn Magennis, and Major-General Plunkett, met at Brookhill, where they seized a brick house of Mr. Rawdon's. They had eight or nine thousand men drawn from Armagh, Tyrone, Antrim and Down, and other counties in Ulster, with two field pieces and plenty of ammunition, having seised 50 barrels of powder in the castle at Newry, which they surprised the first night of the Rebellion. The defenders of Lisnegarvy consisted of five companies newly raised, "poor stript mea that had made their escape from the rebels." Lord Conway's troop of horse, a squadron of Lord Grandison's troop (the rest of them having been murdered at their quarters in Tanrogee), and about 40 of a country troop newly raised, and two small field pieces taken out of Lord Conway's house (State Papers). During the fight they, received some reinforcements, consisting of the Earl of Donegal's troop and a company of foot commanded by Captain Boyd, and also powder sent by post in mails in horseback and after the other from Carrickfergus. Scouts sent out discovered the enemy at Mass, but Immediately they quit their devotions and beat drums and marched directly to Lisnegarvy, "and before ten o'clock appeared drawn up on the warren and sent out two divisions of 6 or 7 hundreds apiece to compass the town, and pieced their field pieces on the highway to it before their body, and with them and their long fowling pieces killed and wounded several of our men as they stood in their ranks in the market place, and some of our musketeers were placed in windows to make the like return of shot to the enemy. A squadron of horse with some musketeers was commanded to face the division that was marching on the north side and keep them at a distance as long as they could, which was so well performed that the other division which marched by the river on the south side come in before the other, time enough to be well beaten by the horse, and more than 200 of them were slain in Bridge Street and in their retreat. By this time the enemy had forced in our small party on the north and was marching down Castle Street, which our horse (so) well charged there that at least 300 of the rebels were slain in the street and in the meadows behind the houses, whereby they were so much discouraged that for almost two hours their officers could not get any more parties to adventure a second assault upon us. About one o'clock fresh parties were issued out and beaten back as before, and so till night, when they fired all the town, which was in few hours turned to ashes, making a fresh assault in the confusion and heat of the fire." Captain Boyd and 25 or 26 men were slain; Sir George Rawdon was wounded and had his horse shot under him; also Captain St. John and Captain Burley and about 30 men. The slain of the enemy were found to be more than thrice the number of the defenders. About 10 or 11 o'clock their two generals quit their station and marched away in the dark, their two field pieces were thrown into the river, or in some moss-pit, and could never be found. In their retreat they burned Brookhill House, in which were Lord Conway's library and other goods to the value of £5,000 or £6,000, and they carried off or destroyed some 1,000 ozs. of ancient plate which has been placed there for safety (Young's Town Book of Belfast). The Cathedral record adds -- "It is to be remembered with much regret yt ye loss and overthrow did so enrage ye rebels yt for sevl days and weeks after they murder'd many hundreds of Protestants whom they had kept prisoners in ye Counties of Armagh, Tyrone, and other parts of Ulster."

The following Depositions referring to the 1641 Massacre bear on this subject:--

Margett Erwin, living at Brookhill, in Co. Antrim, aged 30 years or thereabouts, deposed -- "At he beginning of the Rebellion the Lord of Aghadowey, in the Co. of Antrim, with one Mr. Houghton and her master, being fearful of the enemy, left her with his children and went to Lisnegarvy, and most of his fears was of Cullo M'Nogher, because there was some falling out between them formerly. She heard Cullo M'Nogher, who made his braggs and boasted, and swore that if he had Mr. Houghton there he would do the like to him, and that he did not care for the killing of any Englishman -- whelps, and said that he had been at Lisnegarvy with Sir Phel., and that he mist his brother, but if his brother was lost he would kill Mr. Houghton's children and dash their heads against the stones; but one James M'Gilmurry answered him and said he should not kill the poor innocent children, but he said he would for they were of the English blood. This examinee further saith that a little after the defeat the enemy got at Lisnegarvy that there came to the house the said Cullo M'Nogher, Edm. M'Gilmurry, and others, and the said Edmund took this examinee out of doors and told her that they had been killing five women and two boys between Ballinderry and Glenavy by their own houses, who said he was sorry for a gritty youth who was there killed with flaxen hair; he made such a pitiful cry and the youth ran away, but the they followed him and knocked him down and killed him, and hanged the women, one being Jane Carudders and (?) Ed. Hogg's wife Margarett Cassee, Ed. Hogg's -----, and Jennett Bell, and further saith not."

Turlogh Marchy, of Ballinderry, deposed -- "John Carudders and Edw. Hogg, two of his neighbours, told him that their two wives were killed and two women more the first winter in the Rebellion at Ballyelwash, in the parish of Ballinderry, and that Owen M'Irelany and Nellie M'Irelany and two of the Davyes and others were actors in the said murders." (I cannot identify this place; it appears as "Ewaysh," and was part of Sir Fulke Conway's property, at an Inquisition held at Carrickfergus in 1625.)

In 1646 we find Major Rawdon buying horses in England for Colonel Hill's cavalry in Ulster; he paid £7 10s apiece, and was allowed 30s apiece for taking them from London to Liverpool. In 1649 He got a new lease of Brookhill, now rebuilt, for sixty years, from Lord Conway, in return for his services, with the six townlands of Ballymoney, alias Kilcorig, Ballynadolly, Ballyeloughy, Ballycarrickmaddy, Ballycloughmelough, and Ballymeoner (Ballymave), also 50 acres of Aghenahogh and Knocknedawney lying outside the park pale, and 80 acres of the townland of Magheragall, together with the water mill or millstead, and free liberty to build up a watermill or windmill upon some or any of them. Rent to be 52s (an acre) a year; after the death of George Rawdon to be raised to £80. He does not appear to have lived much there, as in 1654 he was getting a house built in Lisburn, having married in that year as his second wife Dorothy Conway, sister of the second Viscount.

In 1657 Lady Conway was in ill-health, and was in search of a very curious remedy which was to be made from the moss which grew on dead men's skulls. Rawdon was asked to procure it for her, and in June he wrote -- "I have sent almost all Ulster over for moss of slain men's skull and have got none yet but two. I expect better accounts shortly of the matter from others. There is enough in churchyards, but these are not valued as to our Lady's purpose by our chirurgeons" (surgeons). Next month, however, he had got a good proportion of most. Dobbs says (1683) that in a churchyard on an island in Lough Begg (near Toome) may be had stores of moss that grows on dead men's skulls, useful in staunching blood and said to be a great ingredient in making sympathetic powder.

In the same year he acted on a Commission appointed by the Cromwellians for rearranging parish boundaries, so that each minister might have £100 or at least £80 a year, and yet not so large that any part should be above three miles from the church. The Presbyterians, however, were suspicious of Rawdon and esteemed him "one of the horns against the Kirk." The effect of the recommendations of these Commissioners would have been to add a part of Magheragall to Lisburn, a part of Ballinderry to Glenavy, and to make a new church and parish called Lackey (near Megaberry) for the remainder of Magheragall, Ballinderry, Aghalee, Aghagallon, and the Chapellry of Magherameske; but the restoration of Charles II. in 1660 saved these parishes from extinction. Rawdon was then summoned to London, and for his services he secured a grant of several thousand acres in the territory of Moira which had belonged to the O'Laverys. He was elected M.P. for Carrickfergus, and was made a baronet with the title of Sir John Rawdon of Moyra House.

(To be Continued.)


(This article was originally published in the Lisburn Standard on 23 August 1918 as part of a series which ran in that paper each week for several years. The text along with other extracts can be found on my website Eddies Extracts.)



Thursday, 16 August 2012

History of Killultagh (pt2)

SOME EXTRACTS
FROM THE
RECORDS OF
OLD LISBURN
AND THE
MANOR OF KILLULTAGH.

-- -- -- --
Edited by JAMES CARSON.
-- -- -- --

XCVI.

-- -- -- --

HISTORY OF KILLULTAGH.

Rev. W. H. Dundas, B.D.


"Lisburn Standard,"
January 28, 1916.

(Continued.)

The Irish in Killultagh.

Before passing to the British settlers I shall give from the State Papers a list (about 1640) of the Irish in Killultagh -- Neale Galt O'Neale, formerly Lord, who married first a daughter of M'Quinlin, Lord of the Route, second, O'Neale's daughter, Una ny Neale; third, the Lord of Iveagh's daughter, Rose ny Magennis. The following, except that they paid a token of rent, had freedom of Killultagh: -- The Magillmuryes, MacRories, Hamels, McTrealawnies, Heaghians, Greemes, Hillins, MacVeaghs, Macavagans. Lists follow (1) of the true inhabitants of Killultagh: -- The Magillreawies, McShanes, Lawries, O'Mulhallons, McQuaids, McRobins, and others (sic). (2) A note of those that are but strangers of other countries dwelling in this country of Irish: -- McCaines, Magrues, Magowrans, McStranogs, Makeaghrakes, O'Doones, Makeaghalies, O'Deenans, O'Quins, McGeeans, O'Mildownes, O'Kanes, Tallons, Gribins, O'Mullcrewy, with their strange, followers -- the O'Closes, O'Lorkans, O'Forfyes, O'Connorys, O'Conwaeles, O'Monans, Mageralls, McRories, O'Mulveanies, O'Prontyes, Marlies, McVoloonyes (?), McDonnells, Hinneries, MoQooicks, Flannegans, Maghagans.

Killultagh was a territory by itself and belonged neither to Antrim nor Down until 1605. At first it was proposed to joint it to Down and then divide the latter into two counties, butt on account of the Lagan separating it from Down it was afterwards felt that the Sheriff of Antrim could more conveniently look after the interests of the inhabitants, and in that year it was joined to Antrim. At this time it is said that there was no bridge over the Lagan, though one is shown, on a map about twenty years later. The parishes of Killultagh were often reckoned in the Diocese of Down until even a later date.

Sir Foulke Conway's

family belonged originally to Flintshire, in Wales. His father had purchased the Manor of Ragley, in Warwickshire, about the end of Elizabeth's reign, and it is supposed that most of the settlers, came from those parts, sailing from Bristol. There was a tradition among the people that their fathers came from the "apple counties," and certainly the love of orchards is much more marked in the districts settled by English than in those planted by the Scotch. There were also some settlers from Wales, and many came from Yorkshire at a later period with George Rawdon. A letter written in 1697 says:-- "There is in the North of Ireland an estate which was formerly Lord Conway's. It was first purchased by Sir Foulke Conway for about £500. The rent roll is now about £5,000 a year. The land does not lie upon the sea, the ground is very indifferent, 'twas altogether a wood, as the name denotes; and yet in the memory of men now living has been thus improved by a colony of Yorkshire people and others brought over and settled by Lord Conway and managed by Sir George Rawdon" (Ulster Journal of Archæology, vol. iii., old series).

Ulster at the Plantation was what Canada is at present -- a country which emigrants were invited to enter and clear and make productive. There were pamphlets, too, setting out its attractions, though in rather different terms from those of to-day, as the following extract from Blennehassett's pamphlet (1610) shows:-- "Art thou a gentleman that taketh pleasure in hunt? The fox, the wolf, and the woodkerne (i.e., the wild Irish) do expect thy coming."

Sir Foulke took a prominent part in the affairs of the country. In the absence of Lord Chichester he acted as Governor of Carrickfergus and a great part of Antrim and Down, and as Commander-in-Chief of the Fleet on Lough Neagh, or Lough Sidney as it was also called. There is a good story told by Dobbs of how Sir Moses Hill entertained him on one occasion at Chichester Castle, the ruins of which can be seen at Whitehead. Hill having invited the Governor of Carrickfergus (Sir Foulke) to the country, "ordered his butler the night before that he should, when they came to hard drinking, have some bottles of water in readiness for him, and ply the Governor with wine. The butler (being an Irish boy), instead of observing his master's commands, when the hard time came gave His master wine and the water to the Governor, so as Sir Moses could not rise out of his chair when the Governor took leave of him, and thanked him for his meat more than his drink, which put Sir Moses into a great passion, not apprehending then how he bad been served; but next morning, examining his boy, he was sensible that he drank wine and the Governor water. And threatening to have the butler hanged, he received no other answer from the latter but an oath, and that he knew no reason why he that had paid for the wine should drink water, and the Governor drink wine that had paid nothing for it. Which answer it seemed served the boy's turn, for I myself have seen him, a little odd but brisk man, and lived eight or ten years after the breaking out of the Rebellion of 1641."

Sir Foulke Conway died in 1624, having seen the Church of St. Thomas, now the Cathedral of Christ Church, Lisburn, opened for divine service in 1623. He was succeeded by his brother Sir Edward, Baron Conway of Ragley, who got the title of Viscount of Killultagh in 1637 and built the Castle of which the remains still exist in the Castle Gardens. His son Edward, the second Viscount, succeeded in 1630 and died in 1655; and his son, also named Edward, who built the castle at Portmore, died in 1683. The property then passed by his will to Popham Seymour, who took the name of Conway, and was attainted by the Irish Parliament in 1689; and afterwards to his brother Francis, the ancestor of the Marquises of Hertford.

Bishop Taylor and Philip Tandy.

The first Viscount also established a school at Lisnegarvy. Writing to this son in 1629 he says:-- "The school is not yet too full of scholars for one man to manage, even though he does the work-of the church also. If God prosper it, I will see that it is given the whole time of one man." His advice to his son was very concise and to the point:-- "Be just in all matters of the Church, and endeavour to increase my revenue as best you can." In another letter the same year he says:-- "With regard to the parson of Blaris' claim for tithe within Killultagh, take advice of counsel on it at any cost. I want to provide you with a Bible and a bell." There are many references in the Calendars of State Papers to disputes with various clergy about the tithes, and an examination of the originals in London might reveal many interesting particulars.

The schoolmaster referred to above may have been Philip Tandy, who held the position in 1635. He had charge also of Lord Conway's valuable library, as a letter to Rawdon shows (1635):-- "I am setting Lord Conway's books in alphabetical order, and give all the time to them that I can spare from my school. I classify them also by volumes and sciences. In the Christmas holidays I unchested the chested books and put them in the drawing-room, where they are often aired by good fires. I lately tried to have an usher (assistant teacher), but my school is not large enough to maintain one." Possibly he may have been curate as well. In 1637 he was appointed vicar of Magheragall in succession to William Chambers, and vicar of Glenavy in 1638. He probably held both together, for in 1633 Meredict Gwilliams was vicar of Magheragall, Ballinderry, and Glenavy -- surely a sufficiently large area for one man! The incomes were very small; that of Magheragall amounted to £10 a year. In the Commonwealth Papers he is noted as receiving a salary of £60 a year from 1658 as schoolmaster in Lisnagarvy, in addition to his tithe. The mention of the; tithe shows that he was still in charge of some parish, though it could hardly be Magheragall, where the Inquisition held at Antrim 1557 found that Mr. Andrew Weeke received the tithes from 1650 "until these last two years that Mr. Gellis, a preaching minister, supplied the cure thereof and received the vicarial tithes. Of late Mr. Moore, a preaching minister in Sallary, hath supplied the cure."

Thomas Haslem was also schoolmaster in 1655, and in receipt of £40 salary; he held the position as well as the curacy of the Cathedral for many years after the Restoration.

William Chambers, writing in 1655, has this mysterious sentence in a postscript: "Mr. Tandy's flame is quenched." What is the meaning of it? We meet him again in 1658, when a Mr. Hyrne writes: "I do not quite like Mr. Tandy, and hope you will get Dr. Taylor's opinion on him before you grant him what I hear he desired in his letter." Major Rawdon, writing from Hillsborough, says: "Dr. Taylor preached excellently this morning. Mr. Tandy is also considered a rare preacher and is liked in the parish." Dr. Taylor was the famous Jeremy Taylor, afterwards Bishop of Down and Connor; and in connection with him Tandy made the great mistake of his life. He joined in a charge against Dr. Taylor of having christened Mr. Breare's child with the sign of the Cross -- i.e., of having used the baptismal service appointed in the Prayerbook. It was a serious accusation in those days, as is shown by the fact that a Bishop of Durham was imprisoned for six months about the same time for using this same service. A warrant for his arrest was issued to the Governor of Carrickfergus, and he was sent to Dublin for trial, but his powerful friends appear to have been able to save him. Mr. Breare, here mentioned, lived, I believe, at Brookhill. Dr. Taylor's own reference to this affair is as follows:-- "I fear my time in Ireland is likely to be short, for a Presbyterian and a madman have informed against me as a dangerous man to their religion and for using the sign of the Cross in baptism. The worst event of the information which fear is my return into England." Evidently there were two accusers, and It is open to debate whether Tandy was the Presbyterian or the madman. Probably he was the Presbyterian, for Lord Conway writes that "Mr. Tandy may have enough of these (Anabaptists and Quakers) to set himself against without troubling his peaceable and best neighbours." Conway felt the charge as if it were a personal injury. "I hope when you come over you will take him (Tandy) off from persecuting me, since none knows better than yourself whether I deserve the same at his hands. The quarrel is, it seems, because he thinks Dr. Taylor is more welcome at Hillsborough than himself." Conway, however, treated him very generously afterwards, and the State Papers show that the Viscount employed him as an agent till his death, and he even made provision for his wife and children. Tandy mentioned later that he had a "poor little £30 a year for two small agencies," and delicately hints to Lord Conway that he occasionally spent a little money in the transaction of his affairs. Some of us find a difficulty at times in bringing a letter to a neat conclusion, but I think the following could hardly be surpassed:-- "'Tis now midnight, and (forgive me, my Lord) I am weary, but not of being your Lordship's most humble servant." He died between 1664 and 1666.

(To be Continued.)


(This article was originally published in the Lisburn Standard on 16 August 1918 as part of a series which ran in that paper each week for several years. The text along with other extracts can be found on my website Eddies Extracts.)



Thursday, 9 August 2012

History of Killultagh

SOME EXTRACTS
FROM THE
RECORDS OF
OLD LISBURN
AND THE
MANOR OF KILLULTAGH.

-- -- -- --
Edited by JAMES CARSON.
-- -- -- --

XCV.

-- -- -- --

HISTORY OF KILLULTAGH.

Rev. W. H. Dundas, B.D.


"Lisburn Standard," January 28, 1916.

The name Killultagh is used in three senses. First, it is the name of a townland in the parish of Ballinderry containing less than 700 acres, the fuller form of which is Derrykillultagh. Secondly, there was the territory of Killultagh, an old term which is found long before the division into baronies and counties. It may be defined as the district lying between the River Lagan and Lough Neagh; it contained the parishes of Magheragall, Ballinderry, Aghagallon, Magheramesk, and the portion of Blaris north of the Lagan (Reeves). Sir Foulke Conway received a grant of this territory about 1608 A.D.; And the lands of Derrievolgie, with other portions, were afterwards added to the Conway property, so that it included most of the adjoining parishes of Derriaghy, Lambeg, Glenavy, Camlin, and Tullyrusk. This property was called the Manor of Killultagh, afterwards known as the Hertford estate. It corresponds roughly to the Barony of Upper Massereene, of which name various explanations have been given. Sir Phelim O'Neill's chaplain writes it "Massereghna," which is said to mean the "Queens Hill;" Dobbs (Description of County Antrim, 1683) says: "It is Irish Base O Reen, some Irish kings daughter or princess being drowned in that river;" yet again Massereene is said to mean "the beautiful portion" (Dubourdieu's County Antrim).

Killultagh is in Irish Coill Ultagh, the forest or wood of Ulster; Ulster being here used in its narrower sense as corresponding to the counties of Antrim and dying. There is ample evidence that it deserved its name. Sir G. Carew describes it as "a safe boggy and woody country upon Lough Eaugh" (Neagh); and Sir Henry Bagenall speaks of it as "a very fast countrey full of wood and bogg" (1586). There was a note on the corner of an old map of Down (1590) which reads: "Alonge this river (the Lagan) be ye space of 26 myles groweth much woodes, as well hokes (oaks) for tymber as hother woode, which may be brought in the bale of Cragfergus (Carrickfergus) with bote or drage" (Ulster Journal of archæology, vol. iii., old series). South of the Lagan lay a similar district called the territory of Killwarlin, which included the parish of Hillsborough and the neighbouring part of Blaris, Moira, Dromore, Dromara, and Annahilt. Kilwarlin belonged to a branch of the Magennis family called the MacRories. In 1575 Ever MacRory made a surrender of it to Queen Elizabeth and took out a patent for the same, which was in the possession of George Stephenson, Esq., of Lisburn, in 1847, whose maternal ancestors were of this race (Hills MacDonnall's of Antrim).

The O'Neills.

Killultagh belonged to a branch of the O'Neills, the descendants of Hugh Boye O'Neill. It contained three forts -- Inisloughin (near Trummery House, which, by the way, was built by Captain Spencer about 1652); Portmore, besides Lough Neagh; and one on a mound above the Lagan close to Lisnagarvy. There is a very interesting account of the march of Shane O'Neill against the MacDonnell's of N. Antrim in 1565, part of which I shall quote:-- "He kept his Easter at Fedan (now Fews in the South of County Armagh), when he took his journey Tuesday in said Easter week towards the Skotts, which day he rode xvi. miles and camped that night at Dromemoer (Dromore). The next morning he cut all the Passes or Woods that lay in his way from thence (called Kyllewarline of the M'Cuilin's and Kylultagh of Claneboye, which was xii. mile long) that 10 men may go in a rank, till he came within Claneboye a mile beyond the Pass and camped that night at my Moynnimrock. The morrow being Thursday, he rode towards Gallantry, a mile from Edenduffcarrig (Shane's Castle), where he camped the night" (MacDonnell's of Antrim).

Killultagh in the 16th century was the scene of continual warfare between the Irish and English. In 1515 a proposal was made that fresh English colonists should be sent to Ulster "in order that all the noble issue of Hugh Boye O'Neill be avoided clere and expelled from the Green Castell (opposite Greenore) to the Bann, and be assyneyd and sufferyd to have their habytation and dwelling in the great forest Kylultagh and the Phewx, which habytation and places they hathe and dwellyth often before nowe by compulsion." At a later period the English Government tried to arrange terms, but the O'Neills were very slippery to handle. In 1592 Cormock O'Neyll McBryan was the Captain or Chief of Killultagh, and was desirous of surrendering his estate to Queen Elizabeth and receiving it again to hold in the English fashion. But in 1593 Mr. Solicitor Wilbraham, then newly returned with the Lord Chief Justice of Common Pleas from the Ulster Circuit, writes:-- "We find less obedience and appearance than was the last year. Cormock MacNeill, Captain of Killultagh; Neale McBrian Fertagh, Captain of the Ardes; and McCartan possess their several countries by tnistry and seek no letters patent so long as they may ravin at their pleasure upon the tenants; in no place in this country are the tenants permitted to depart from their lords but at the lord's pleasure, and so thralled in misery. . . . In all our Assizes we endeavoured to manifest to the rude people the merciful proceedings of her Majesty in trials of life for their offences by indifferent jurors which they seemed to admire and embrace." The same year there is a report of "a great prey taken from the Captain of Killultagh." In 1596 Sir Ed. Moore and other Commissioners were at Newry, to draw in the woodmen of Killultagh and Kilwarlin, but none of the woodmen came in to them. It appears from a document of 1597 that some of the chiefs were quite willing to surrender their lands and take them again to hold under Elizabeth, but they were in very difficult position. The English officers and governors did not desire any such settlement, because they used to receive 40, 50, or 200 cows in one place, from the Irish, apparently as a kind of blackmail. Neither did the supreme lord of the Irish, O'Neill Earl of Tyrone, wish it, for it would overthrow his power and make the inferior chiefs depending on her Majesty alone; "he hath feared this course, and hath therefore suppressed all them who attempted the same. He murdered for this matter the Lord of Killultagh" (Cal. State papers). Cormock, who met this fate, was succeeded by his son, Bryan McArt. The latter joined his uncle, Hugh O'Neill, in his rebellion, but was defeated by Sir A. Chichester, and in 1602 the fort of Inisloughin was taken. That was the end of power of the O'Neills in these parts.

In 1605 Conn O'Neill agreed to surrender one-third of his lands to Sir Hugh Montgomery and one-third to Sir James Hamilton in return for their assistance in securing for him the King's pardone. Killultagh was included in Hamilton's portion, and soon after it was transferred to Sir Foulke Conway, who was in possession in 1608. The outlawed Irish, however -- the woodkerne or tories, as they were called -- lurked in the forests and bogs, and naturally tried to hold or get back some of what had been their own. About 1605 it was reported that "Killultagh by reason of strength of bogs and woods was the shelter and lurking place of most of the idle men, thieves, murderers, lawless kerne (with entrance of Bande, i.e., the Bann), which at present are not free of them." In 1610 Killultagh and Braslowe (i.e., Clanbrassil, the district about the mouth of the Upper Bann were it enters Lough Neagh) are described as "a strong fortress, a den of rebels, and as thievish a country as any in Ulster." And two years after the British settlers in County Armagh complained of the robberies daily committed by the kernes of Killultagh and the other wooded countries around.

In this forest there were wild deer in abundance, and also wolves. There are many references to the latter in the Conway Correspondence. On one occasion (1657) George Rawdon, Viscount Conway's agent, was forwarding some dogs to Chester, "which," he says, "it is a pity to send them out of the country. They have been above the Collen and about Mr. Dynes and had some courses with wolves which exceedingly infest the country." I believe there is a place called the Wolf-Bog in the neighbourhood of Colin or the White Mountain, probably because it was a haunt of these animals. Rawdon writes a little later: "I have two more that are kept to hunt the wolf upon every occasion when he commits spoil, and then the people come still to borrow them out." In 1665 they were troublesome and other place -- "the keeper and gunmen are watching the wolves that haunt the Tunny Park almost every night." It would be interesting to know when the last wolf was killed in Killultagh. An old parishioner of Magheragall told me a quaint story concerning one: I give it exactly as I recorded it at the time. "J. H.'s mother lived at Horner's Hill. A wolf once came limping and holding up its paw. She took a thorn out of its foot. Next morning a fine heifer was on the street. No one ever claimed it. Some people said that the wolf brought it." It reminded me of Androcles and the lion.

A memorandum on the Cess of Killultagh (1659) gives the total area as 29,984 acres, of which less than half (14,166 acres) was arable land. The rest consisted of great mosses by the lough side (2,038 acres), other mosses on mountains (1,922 acres), unprofitable land on mountains not 6d per acre (4,320 acres), other mountainous land under 12d (3,120 acres), woodland by lough side set at same rate (4,417 acres).

(To be Continued.)


(This article was originally published in the Lisburn Standard on 9 August 1918 as part of a series which ran in that paper each week for several years. The text along with other extracts can be found on my website Eddies Extracts.)