Brookhill and Castlerobin

SOME EXTRACTS
FROM THE
RECORDS OF
OLD LISBURN
AND THE
MANOR OF KILLULTAGH.

-- -- -- --
Edited by JAMES CARSON.

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LXXI.

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BROOKHILL, by R. R. Belshaw.

The mansion of Brookhill was founded by Sir Fulke Conway, the original grantee of what is since known as the Hertford Estate. In 1611 the plantation commissioners report that he had "buylte another house of cadgeworks at a place called Maynergedell, with a stone bawne about it which shall be buylded 15 feet high." It is, therefore, as old as the Castle at Lisburn, which was destroyed by the great fire of 1707. It seems to have been a favourite residence of the first Lord Conway until somewhere about 1641, when it was burned by the retreating rebels, with his lordship's library and other property of considerable value. From an early period it was the chief residence of the Rawdon family, the founder of which, Sir George, a native of Rawdon, in Yorkshire, was the first agent of the estate. He had been secretary of the Conways from his youth, and was afterwards connected with them by marriage. In 1641 he raised and became major of what was then known as Conway's Troop of Horse, which was largely composed of Killultagh men, whose rendezvous was at Brookhill. The Rawdons continued to reside there until some time after the Restoration, when they removed to the County Down, having secured large grants of land about Moira and Downpatrick, &c.

In 1698 we find Brookhill in possession of of Edward Ellis, who was high sheriff of the County Antrim that year, and his widow was living there in 1725. After her, the next family was that of James Watson, of Clough, in the County Down. He was born in 1700, and came to Brookhill about 1740. He was the first of his name there, and the first in the county who used lime for agricultural purposes Whilst living at Clough he was executor of the wills of his father-in-law, the Rev. John Williamson, vicar of Magheradroll; David Blakely, of Clough; and also of his brother-in-law, the Rev. Samuel Redman, vicar of Kilmore; all in the County Down. His son, John Watson, left for India about 1747, and returned on a visit twenty years afterwards, having attained great distinction during his absence abroad. He held high rank in the Company's naval service, and was an able coadjutor of Lord Clive, whom he materially assisted in establishing the Indian Empire. In matters of principle he was superior to his colleague, of which Macaulay gives a very striking proof in his account of their dealings with one of the native princes. Admiral Watson married in London, and afterwards returned to India, where he subsequently died of wounds received in action. His father outlived him, and died in 1777, as recorded on his tomb in Magheragall Churchyard erected by his daughters, Margaret Redman and Elizabeth Boyes. His eldest son, James, born in Dublin, and afterwards the last of his name at Brookhill, was left in charge of his cousin and uncle by marriage, Captain Robert Redman, agent of Lord Moira, the old Rawdon family. The Redmans had a villa, known as Larkhill, at Ballynahinch, where they generally spent every summer. On the death of old Mr. Watson they came to reside at Brookhill, and whilst there Captain Redman built the adjoining mansion of Springfield. In the construction of it he is said to have used the stones of an old round tower that stood adjacent in the graveyard of the old church of Magheragall, which had been burned by the rebels in 1641. It was in the townland of Ballyellough, or limestone town, a site formerly held sacred in times of Paganism. On the death of Captain Redman in 1788 his widow removed to Brookhill, and resided with her nephew until her death in 1806. Springfield was next occupied by Mr. William Younghusband, who was living there in 1790. His widow, a relative of the Redmans and Watsons, afterwards removed to Lisburn, where she subsequently died.

The district surrounding Brookhill, formerly known as the seven towns, or townlands embracing nearly three thousand acres, included Ballynadolly, Ballyclough, Ballycarrickmaddy, Ballymave, Ballyellough, Kilcorig, &c. This property, which lay in Magheragall and Ballinderry, was originally in possession of Sir John Rawdon, agent and lessee of the Conway family. Afterwards it appears to have been held jointly by the first James Watson and his two sons-in-law, Robert Redman of Springfield and William Boyes of Kilcorig, until at least the death of Madam Redman, as she was then called.

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James Watson -- The Young Commodore died in 1B50. John Grubb Richardson, of Moyallon and Bessbrook, and father of James N. Richardson, Bessbrook, purchased Brookhill in 1854 from John Wakefield, the Commodore's nephew. Mr. Richardson sold the property to Sir James M'Caulay Higginson, of Indian fame, about 1859. He repurchased it later from Sir James M. Higginson, or his representatives, and rented it to his brother, Joshua Pim Richardson, who was residing there in 1866. Shortly after this date John Grubb Richardson again parted with the property to W. T. B. Lyons, who was succeeded in occupation by W. H. H. Lyons, Robert Horner, and Robert Graham. Mr. Horner purchased the house and lands of Brookhill, about 303 acres, for £3,000, and was in occupation some 16 years, when he sold the estate early in 1918 to Mr. Graham for £12,000.

Captain Robert Redman built the old house at Springfield, and died in 1788. It was next occupied by William Younghusband, who was living there in 1790. Mr. Wakefield, a brother-in-law of James Watson's, would appear to have been the next occupier; followed by Major Haughton, from whom Joseph Richardson purchased it in 1857, and about the year 1861 built the new house.


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NOTES ON KILLULTAGH,

by R. R. Belshaw.

From "Lisburn Standard," July 22, 1882.

One of the chief fortresses of the O'Neills was at Innisloghlin, and it was said to be the most important in the North from its commanding the celebrated Pass of Killultagh. It was sometimes called the Pass of Kilwarlin, near Hillsborough. The Lord-Deputy Sussex, in his journey through Ulster in 1556, speaks of "the great Pass of Killultagh, as being the space of two miles in length, through which he, with Sir Henry Sidney and Sir William Fitzwilliam, with the rest of the army, marched on foot, all in armour."

In 1515 it was recommended that the race of Hugh Boy O'Neill or the Clannaboy should be expelled out of all the lands from Greencastle to the Bann, and that they "be assigned and suffered to have their habitation and dwelling in the great forest Keylulltagh, and the Pheux (Fews), which habitation and place they have often had before now by compulsion." In 1586 Sir Henry Bajenall, in his description of Ulster, says "Killultoe is a very fast country, full of wood and bogg, bordering on Lough Neagh and Clanbrassel," and that there was one Cormac O'Neill, son of Niall O'Neill, who had yielded to the Queen, and was able to make twenty horsemen and a hundred foot.

Killultagh in more recent times does not extend to the Crow Hill. It is composed of the following parishes:-- Magheragall, Ballinderry, Aghalee, Aghagallon, Magheramesk, and that portion of Blaris which lies north of last of the Lagan. The last of the Clannaboy O'Neills who lived there was known to the English as the Captain of Killultagh, and he lost it by having joined in the rebellion of his relatives in Tyrone, which soon after resulted in what is generally called the Flight of the Earls -- O'Neill and O'Donnell.

On the advent of the Conways, Rawdons, and Hills, with their sturdy followers, the valley of the Lagan was cleared in a great measure of its primeval forests, and the natives retreated behind the hills, or settled in certain districts about Lough Neagh, such as the Moyntaghs and elsewhere, in which locality many of their posterity may still be found. The immediate followers of Sir Fulke Conway came chiefly from Rugby and the adjoining localities of Gloucester, Worcester, and Warwick, whence they probably sailed from Bristol. The most of them settled about Lisburn, Lambeg, and Blaris, from whence they spread themselves over the Rawdon manors of Killultagh and Derryvolgie. By their fondness for orchards they justified the tradition of their fathers, having come from the apple counties of England. In addition to these there was another and perhaps smaller stream of settlers who followed the fortunes of the Rawdons from their Yorkshire home, Lancashire, Cheshire, and Cumberland. These appear chiefly in the northern part of the estate, where they came more into contact with the Scotch and native Irish from Killead and Crumlin to the Lough. They also spread themselves over from Camlin, Glenavy, and Ballinderry to Portmore and eastward about Brookhill, where the agent of the estate, Major Rawdon, afterwards resided. About the middle of the Protectorate, the third Lord Conway being desirous of having a residence at the other end of his property beyond Lisburn, selected a site of extreme beauty at Portmore, where there had formerly been an old fort of the Captain of Killultagh. On the north and east the eye rested for miles on the fertile and beautiful lands of Glenavy and Ballinderry, with the tower of Ram's Island rising from a curve of the lake. It was famous for its gigantic oaks; they were the pride of the neighbourhood, and the wonder of all who saw them. One of the largest, known as the great oak of Portmore, was blown down in 1760. Many articles of furniture were made of it, and are still held in great estimation amongst the descendants of those to whom it was once well known. Since then they have all ceased to exist, as well as the palatial residence of which they were once so great an ornament. The celebrated Jeremy Taylor resided for some time at Portmore, and whilst there he wrote his last great work, styled "The Rule of Conscience."

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CASTLE-ROBIN, by R. R. Belshaw.

From "Lisburn Standard," Feb. 17, 1883.

In the brave day's of old, when Sir Shane O'Neill, the last lord of Claneboye (known to his English friends as the Captain of Killultagh), was living, he had a residence in the pass which lies on the eastern slope of the White Mountain, two mile's north, of Lisburn. In former times this position was considered one of some strategic importance. On the mound and in the vicinity of the castle he must have had a good view of his subjects from the mountains behind him to Lisnagarvey in front, which was then known as the Gamblers' Fort, on the Lagan. It was the scene of many a festive gathering when those jolly sub-commissioners -- the O'Neills, the O'Lynns, including the historic Brien, the O'Laverys, the O'Hagans, and the O'Hanlons; with the Teagues of the Bohill and their cousins trom the Moyntaghs -- all met to talk over the latest "message of peace" to the lawyers, and all their social grievances, which were never lessened by a free use of usquebagh, or a little aqua vitæ if a Scotch friend happened to drop in. Their infatuation for games of chance was so great that they often played the clothes off each other's backs, and in this condition many of them were often ripe for "treasons, stratagems, and spoils," especially cattle-lifting. In those early times Lisburn must have been rather an uncertain market for those who had anything to lose. The industrial element being too much in abeyance, this state of affairs could not last always, so a time came when everything was changed; the Elisabethan captains appearing on the scene to settle the land question and all other disputes amongst the natives.

In command of these arrivals was a Colonel Sir Francis Brook, after whom Brookhill is said to have been called; also three brothers named Norton, one of whom became owner of an estate at Templepatrick, where he had a residence known as Castle Norton. His brother Gregory was attached to the garrison at Carrickfergus under Sir Fulke Conway, where he seems to have settled down, and was mayor for some years. In 1579 the third brother, Robert, rebuilt the old residence of the O'Neills at the White Mountain, and from his having done so it was ever afterwards known as Castlerobin. A grandnephew of these brothers, Edward Ellis, was high sheriff of Antrim, and lived many years at Brookhill during the interval between its occupation by the Rawdon and Watson families.

We must now return to Castle-Robin, and relate an incident which happened there during the year 1643. Old Shane O'Neill, its former owner, and after whom the castle at Lough Neagh -- his headquarters -- was called, married Rose, a daughter of Magennis, the chieftain of Iveagh, in Down. His eldest son, Sir Henry O'Neill, had an only daughter, Rose, who became the second wife of the second Earl of Antrim. Her predecessor was the widow of the ill-fated Duke of Buckingham. With reference to the frequency of the name Rose, almost every branch of the O'Neills had one, and she was generally the eldest daughter. In this way it passed through them into nearly all the leading families of the country with whom they were connected. This Earl of Antrim, who afterwards became first Marquis, was chief of the Clandonnell of the Routes and Glen's, and had been Lord of the Isles, which latter title he renounced in favour of his Scottish kindred. He was said to have been brought up in the Highland fashion, and to have worn neither hat, cap, shoes, nor stockings until he was eight years old.

In the month of April, 1642 -- six months after the outbreak of the rebellion in the previous year -- the first detachment of the Scottish army, under General Monroe, arrived at Carrickfergus. The zeal of General Monroe led him to look on the Earl of Antrim as an Irish enemy who was perhaps a little more cunning than some of the others. Having gone down with his forces to the Glens as far as Glenarm, he accepted an invitation from the chief of the Clandonnell at Dunluce, whom he must have considered as being in a state of amicable hostility. The hospitality of the Earl, as far as can be known, was abused. For some alleged acts of disloyalty on the part of his tenants, his estates were seized, and he was taken prisoner from his castle and lodged in Carrickfergus, where he was kept about six months, until he made his escape and went over to England. He returned shortly afterwards on some equivocal errand from the king, and was taken prisoner again on his landing in the County Down. Monroe had him brought back to his old quarters at Carrickfergus, where he remained for nine months more.

(To be Continued.)


(This article was originally published in the Lisburn Standard on 22 February 1918 as part of a series which ran in that paper each week through 1917 and 1918. The text along with other extracts can be found on my website Eddies Extracts.)

Robert Redmond Belshaw

SOME EXTRACTS
FROM THE
RECORDS OF
OLD LISBURN
AND THE
MANOR OF KILLULTAGH.

-- -- -- --

Edited by JAMES CARSON.

-- -- -- --

LXX.

-- -- -- --

ROBERT REDMAN BELSHAW

may fairly be claimed as of kinship with the Manor of Killultagh. He claimed it strenuously himself. His forbears lived for generations in the parish of Magheragall, and at least one old Lisburn family was closely related to him. He died in Dublin, the city of his nativity, on January 6th, 1913, at an advanced age. He was married, but died without issue, his wife having predeceased him many years.

Mr. Belshaw was a noted book collector, a prolific writer of articles on all imaginable subjects in the local and provincial press; an eccentric and lonely man living much in the past. Till a short time before his death he came to Lisburn frequently almost every year, visiting old scenes and talking with the older inhabitants. His contributions to the “Lisburn Standard" over a long series of years -- particularly 1880–1890 -- on local subjects were interesting and valuable. He appears to have carefully preserved in scrap-books all his articles and letters contributed to the press; there must be at least have been six or eight volumes. Unfortunately, only a few volumes are now extant.

In the “Lisburn Standard" of January 18th, 1913, it is recorded that he died in Dublin on January 6th, well over 80 years of age, and was buried in Mount Jerome Cemetery. Early in his life he emigrated to the United States, where he engaged in the jewellery business and made a respectable fortune in a few years. At the outbreak of the Civil War, he joined the Confederate army under "Stonewall" Jackson, saw much fighting, and was present at the Battle of Bull Run on July 21st, 1861. He returned to Ireland many years ago, and during the latter part of his life resided in Dublin.

From another source of information it would appear that his sympathies were entirely with the Northern States, that he was conscripted and forced to serve in the Confederate ranks, received some rough treatment while there, suffered considerable financial loss, and later appealed through the home Government, as a British subject, for redress, without success.

On his decease Linen Hall Library, Belfast, benefited materially. A note in the preface to the catalogue, Irish section, 1917, states:--

And perhaps the most important gift received was that from the late R. R. Belshaw, Dublin, who in the year 1914 bequeathed to the library his entire collection of books and pamphlets, some 5,185 in number, of which about 600 were books and pamphlets relating to Ireland, many of the latter being of extreme value, especially to students of the Commonwealth and Restoration period.

The Redman Family.

In the year 1883 there appeared in the "Lisburn Standard" several articles by Mr. Belshaw on his ancestry, dealing primarily with the Redman connection, and tracing that family through the English branch back beyond the Norman Conquest in 1066. A less extended survey will, however, here suffice.

The Rev. Samuel Redman about 1720 was vicar of Kilmore. He married Rose, eldest daughter of Rev. John Williamson, of Ballynahinch, and had issue -- –an only daughter, also named Rose, who married Thomas Blakely of Clough, and four sons; one of them, Robert, married his cousin Margaret, a sister of Admiral Watson. Robert Redman afterwards built Springfield, near Brookhill, and lived there until his death in 1788. His widow then removed to Brookhill, and took charge of orphan nephew, popularly known as The Young Commodore. Captain Redman of Springfield was the last of his name on the Lisburn district, with the exception of his nephew Francis of Hillsborough.

Margaret Blakely, daughter of Thomas Blakely and his wife Rose Redman, became the wife of John Belshaw, of Kilcorig, Magheragall, which place was built for him on his marriage by his father, Richard Belshaw, also of Kilcorig, who died in 1838. John Belshaw had two sons, Redman, father of Robert Redman Belshaw, and Richard, whose daughter afterwards married Bennett Megarry. Redman became a merchant and the city of Dublin. Richard lived in Kilcorig House, and was familiarly known by the courtesy title of Captain Belshaw. Robert Redman Belshaw was a first cousin of Ralph, Robert, and Redman Jefferson, of Lisburn, and was brought up by their mother, his father having died when he was quite young.

There were Belshaws the Glenavy district in 1680. One of them, Richard, a lad of  fifteen, and his mother were present at the siege of Derry. About 1720 they appear in Ballinderry, Magheragall, and Derriaghy. Richard, who was at the siege of Derry, lived later at Brackenhill, Ballinderry. His son, also Richard, lived to the patriarchal age of ninety-five, and died sitting in his old oak chair at the close of the eighteenth century. He was a member of Ballinderry Presbyterian Church. He made his will in 1798, and left all his property in trust to his friend, Mr. Watson of Brookhill, to be distributed amongst his children and grandchildren. Richard of Kilcorig, who died in 1838, was this patriarch's grandson.

R. R. Belshaw published in New York in 1855 his "Irish Protestant Letters," to which is added a collection of original and selected poetry. Many of the poems are of local interest. A writer under the pen name of "Boardmills" contributes several items. The Rev. Henry Leebody, Presbyterian minister, Ballinderry, is responsible for lines on the death of Richard Belshaw, elder in Ballinderry Church, who died in 1838. The Battle of Lisnagarvey, Ulster to the Rescue, and The Graves of the French-Protestants in Lisburn Churchyard, are by Leamh Dhearg, the name under which the Rev. William M'Call, brother of Hugh M'Call, Lisburn, often wrote. R. R. B., evidently the author of the book, contributes quite a number of pieces.

The Freeman-Gayer Letters.

Amongst the documents handed over to the Linen Hall Library are a series of carefully-typed copies of all letters -- Rev. John Wesley and Mrs. Henrietta Gayer, Derriaghy, 1760–1764; Miss Elizabeth Freeman, Lisburn; Miss Charity Freeman, Lambeg; and other members of the Freeman family, 1780–1810; and numerous other letters and journals up to about the year 1840, none of them however, of any practical value, and all of an ultra-religious nature. Mr. Belshaw's mother was a Miss Freeman, of Dublin, his wife being Miss Jacob, also related to the Freeman family.

A Dr. Gayer, Q.C., appears to have written a volume of Family Memoirs; and R. R. Belshaw published in 1910 a brochure as an addendum, The Gayer-Freeman Correspondence. There are two letters by the Rev. John Wesley, and seven from Miss Henrietta Gayer, Derriaghy. The Freemans and Gayers were probably related, and frequent reference is made to the Wolfendens of Lambeg. Mrs. and Miss Gayer (afterwards Mrs. Wolfenden) were the wife and only daughter of Edward Gayer, Esq., One of two brothers who were clerks in the Irish House of Lords. One of these brothers is represented by Dr. Gayer, and the other by Dr. Triall, Provost of Trinity College, Dublin. Mr. Gayer's residence at Derriaghy was well known to Wesley, and he has described it as one of the pleasantest spots in the kingdom. While on a visit there in 1775 he had a very serious illness, from which he was not expected to recover.

Mr. Belshaw collected and published in fac-simile six letters from the Rev. John Wesley to Mr. and Mrs. Freeman, 1763–1787. One of the letters addressed to Mrs. Jane Freeman, near the Linen Hall, in Lisburn, Ireland. Bound up with the letters is an elegy on the death of Mr. James Freeman, who departed this life 17th November 1771.

In 1902 he published and appreciation of John Lee and Charles Wesley's hymns. This contains a photograph of Mr. Belshaw in Court dress. From it also may be gathered something of his maternal ancestry. John Lee, Inspector of the Coast at Lauren, related to an old Limerick family of that name, married a daughter of the Rev. George Wilkins, rector of Lisburn. Their daughter, Jane Esther Lee, who died in 1792, and ardent follower and correspondent John Wesley, married in 1763 James Freeman, of Dublin. He died in 1771. They had an only son, James Freeman, born 1766, died 1832, who was the maternal grandfather of Robert Redman Belshaw.

Magheragall Parish Church.

There is also amongst the Linen Hall Library papers an interesting collection of photographs taken for Mr. Belshaw from the Magheragall Parish Church vestry-book, ranging from 1773 to 1783. The record on August 18th, 1773 is practical--

Resolved, that we will support the poor of our own parish only, and that badges shall immediately be provided for those who choose to be so authorized to beg.

Resolved that we will, for the future, not only withhold our alms from any straggling beggars that may be seen in said parish, but that we will apprehend and prosecute as the law directs all strollers that shall appear in the parish.

On 31st March, 1777, it is reported that the late church wardens, Arthur Greer and John Gill, settled their accounts and the most genteel manner to the entire satisfaction of the whole parish.

The care of roads occupied much attention. At this period the vestry had general charge and management of the parish, and the members were elected irrespective of creed.

All those present at each meeting appear to have signed the minutes. Some of the old names appearing may be of interest:-- James Lewis, Geo. Hunter, John M'Cormack, Robt. M'Crackin, Thos. Gill, Arthur Hull, Hen. Reynell, vicar; Isaac M'Quillan, Thomas Taylor, Robert Redman, John Harper, H. Garrett, John Greer, Joseph Greer, John Dickey, James Williamson, Arthur Greer, Richd. Greer, Wm. Hull, Frans. Anderson, Wm. Gill, Wm. Whitla, Richd. M'Quillan, John Gill, Rodger Balance, Jno. Belshaw, Arthur Thomson, Wm. Garrett, Robt. Gore, James Belshaw, Thos. M'Collum, Thos. Taylor, John Green, James Dawson, Robt. Thompson, John Johnson, John Stevenson, John Watson, Joseph Moore, John Buntin, Wm. Wiltton, Pat O'Neill, Robt. Wallace, Frans. Patten, vicar, 1782; James Read.

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THE HASLAM MANUSCRIPT,

By Robert Redman Belshaw, Dublin.

This interesting local MS., which has recently been brought to light by Miss Nelson, of Larne, was a commonplace book of the Rev. Thomas Haslem, first curate of Lisburn Cathedral. It is a small octavo of about 150 pages, and is over two hundred years old. One of the last-dated entries refers to the arrival of King William "at ye Whitehouse betwixt Belfast and Carrickfergus on Saturday, ye 14th day of June, 1690." Mr. Haslam had then attend the ripe old age of seventy-six. His wife died the following year, and he in 1695, as recorded in the Cathedral register.

Mr. Haslam was evidently one of the old Conway settlement about Lisburn, and very likely also an Englishman. He was a good classical scholar, and as such, perhaps by local influence, he was placed on the Commonwealth pay roll schoolmaster at Lisnagarvey, with a salary of £30 a year. His principles, religious and political, appear to have been those of Jeremy Taylor, the chaplain at Portmore. At the Restoration his friend there became bishop of the diocese, and he was appointed reader, or curate, to Mr Mace, the first rector of the new Cathedral at Lisburn. His school, which was made a free one, was taken over by the church. He married soon after this, and had several children, most of whom seem to have died in infancy, as appears by the list kindly supplied by Canon Pounden.

The MS. consists largely of extracts from the Bible and the Fathers, also classical quotations in the interest of religion and morality, interspersed with pious reflections and sententious observations. He was partial to aphorisms. After the manner of Ecclesiastes, the preacher was wise and sought out acceptable words. He remembered the days of old, and tells the rising generation that "The way to live long is to be old betimes, and the way to live alway is to dye dayly." "Let no interest engage thee against thy two bosom friends, conscience and honesty." "What was before and what will be when we are noe more, who knows?" "Change must be; everyone hath a time allotted."

In Mr. Haslam's reference to King William's arrival he makes a correction to calling Ireland Britland, perhaps a play on the word of the word Ire as representing chronic dissension. He may have thought the prefix Brit a better synonym for future harmony and prosperity. His entry in the Cathedral book under the date 1690 is much shorter, though not less emphatic than in the MS. It is as follows:-- "God Almighty fought for King William and gave him a memorable victory over ye Irish at the Boyne near Tredath, ye 1st day of July, and in four days after Tredath Dublin yielded without blood."

Allocated the preservation of this Haslam MS, may not be uninteresting. About 1735 an ancestor of the present writer, a Mr. John Lee, of Limerick, whose mother, Helena, was one of the Dowdall heiresses in that county, held an important civil appointment at Larne. While there he married the daughter of the Rev. George Wilkins, the late rector of Lisburn, who was a son of the preceding rector, the Rev. Dr. Joseph Wilkins, Dean of Clogher, and at the Restoration one of the foundation Fellows of T.C.D. Mr. Haslam was Dr. Wilkins' curate from 1672 until his death in 1695. Some of his papers, and amongst them this MS., then came into the rector's family, amongst whose descendants they have remained ever since. A daughter of Mrs. Lee married a Mr. Thomas Clarke, of Ballinderry House, Ballinderry. Among the surviving descendants of this family are Miss Hall and Miss Nelson, of Gardenmore House, Larne. By the will of Thomas Clarke his desk and bookcase, in which this MS. and another family papers had lain undisturbed for years, were reserved from the usual sale. In this way it came into possession of his son-in-law, Dr. John Ravenscroft, of Ballinderry. Through him it passed to his descendants, and amongst them his granddaughter, to whom its preservation is due, Miss E. Ravenscroft Nelson. There is still a Haslam's Lane in Lisburn, joining Bow Street to the markets.

(Next week: Brookhill.)


(This article was originally published in the Lisburn Standard on 15 February 1918 as part of a series which ran in that paper each week through 1917 and 1918. The text along with other extracts can be found on my website Eddies Extracts.)

Brigadier-General John Nicholson, 1822-1857 (pt 3)

SOME EXTRACTS
FROM THE
RECORDS OF
OLD LISBURN
AND THE
MANOR OF KILLULTAGH.

-- -- -- --

Edited by JAMES CARSON.

-- -- -- --

LXIX.

-- -- -- --

A FAMOUS LISBURN MAN.

BRIGADIER-GENERAL JOHN NICHOLSON.

1822-1857.

(Continued.)

"Take off your Shoes."

Lord Roberts tells a characteristic story of Nicholson of which he was an eye-witness, Nicholson was present at a reception given by Major Lake to some native officers in the pay of a friendly rajah. When the function had terminated the senior officer, one Mehtab Singh, was leaving the room first. Nicholson stalked to the door, and with an authoritative air prevented Mehtab Singh leaving. The rest of the company having passed out Nicholson turned to Lake and said: "Do you see that Mehtab Singh has his shoes on; there is no possible excuse for such an act of gross impertinence." Lake replied that he had noticed, but tried to excuse it. Nicholson, going on, said: "Mehtab Singh knows perfectly well that he would not venture to step on his own father's carpet save barefooted, and he has only committed this breach of etiquette to-day because he thinks we are not in a position to resent the insult." "If I were the last Englishman," continued he, "in the place, you should not come into my room with your shoes on. Now, take of your shoes and carry them out in your own hand, as lesson to yourself and others." Mehtab Singh, completely cowed, meekly did as he was ordered.

In Command of the Punjaub Movable Column -- Disarming Two Tainted Regiments.

June 22, 1857, saw John Nicholson in command of the Punjaub movable column, and its late chief, Neville Chamberlain, on his way to Delhi. The new commander was not long in starting operations. Two suspected regiments were to be disarmed, and John Nicholson took them in hand. Towards the end of a sultry day in the end of June the general gave the order for a night march; where or on what mission was a mystery to all. At the head of the column marches H.M. 52nd Light Infantry, a troop of cavalry and battery of artillery, followed by the tainted regiments -- the 35th Sepoys and 33rd Native Infantry. Theses two regiments Nicholson was determined to disarm, or, if not, to destroy. For some reason they appeared to have fancied they were being led on to Delhi, the very place they were anxious to get near. In the early morning the head of the column reached its destination and the spot where the trap for the false-hearted Sepoys was to be laid. Briefly Nicholson revealed his plans to the European troops. A few minutes after, in the grey dawn, the 35th Sepoys came into view, little dreaming the surprise in store. As they came up, they were ordered to turn to the left round a little hill which lay at the corner of the camping ground, then wheeled again to their right and formed in close column, and -- horror, they found themselves staring, scared and crestfallen, right into the grinning muzzles of twelve guns, limbered up for action, and face to face with a British regiment standing to arms, Stern and sharp came the command, "Halt! Pile arms!" without a murmur the order was obeyed for refusal simply meant annihilation. Within a few minutes the disarmed men were marched off the ground under escort, and the trap was ready for the 33rd Native Infantry, which was timed to arrive about thirty minutes later. They were duly disposed of in the same summary manner as their predecessors. An old Sikh colonel, who had been an astonished spectator of the morning's work, exclaimed: "You have drawn the fangs of 1,500 snakes. Truly your good fortune is great."

Brigadier-General John Nicholson
http://www.gutenberg.org/

The Destruction of the Sialkot Mutineers.

The next incident we will note occurs early in July. He was at Amritsar disarming the 59th Sepoys, when tidings came of the rising of the 46th Native Infantry and a wing of 9th Cavalry at Sialkot with its usual accompaniment of murder and bloodshed. The mutineers, after pillaging the town, struck out for Delhi. Nicholson started with his column from Amritsar in pursuit, covering 44 miles in 18 hours, and this in the hottest month of an Indian summer. It is told how a halt was called during the afternoon. The weary soldiers threw themselves down on the hot, dry earth for a few minutes' sleep and rest. An officer, on awaking from his brief slumber, inquired for the General, but could not find him amongst the sleepers. At last he saw Nicholson in the middle of the dusty road, sitting bolt upright on his horse, waiting, like a sentinel turned to stone, for the moment when his men should resume their march. The column had out-marched the enemy by some fifteen miles and arrived at Gurdaspur. Nicholson counted on the mutineers turning aside from the direct route to Delhi to plunder this station, and his surmise was proved correct. To reach Gurdaspur the mutineers had to cross the Ravi, a broad and deep river, thus placing the river between them and Delhi, their only place of safety. Unaware of of Nicholson's arrival and designs, they leisurely they crossed; and, proceeding down stream some miles camped. The ford by which they crossed was instantly occupied by the General, cutting off all possibility of retreat or escape. Well might Nicholson now feel that his hour had come, and the the Lord had delivered them into his hands. Enough to say; the mutineers fought as men will fight for when there is no escape and no hope. When, however, at the end of some days, Brigadier-General Nicholson had finished with them, the Sialkot mutineers had absolutely ceased to exist.

Delhi.

The good effect of these [--?--] and vigorous measure was magical in the Punjaub, and at last John Nicholson was free to start on that last grand march which was to end before the walls of Delhi and in his own glorious death. "On August 7," writes Mitchett in his "Story of the Great Mutiny," "there rode into the British camp before Delhi perhaps the most famous and daring soldier in all India, the man with whose memory the siege of Delhi, and the great assault which ended the siege, are for ever associated." Few knew him personally when he first arrived in camp, but the quick, grave man who made it his business to know everything that was going on, whether in his own department or not, soon made his presence and personality felt, and men in a short time came to look to him as the one strong determined man, capable of surmounting all difficulties and leading them to victory. The occupation of the ridge before Delhi has always been called a siege, but it was never a siege in the true sense; indeed, one fails to know what exactly to call it. The mutiny broke out on May 10. Delhi became the natural centre and focus of the rebellion -- a huge city some six miles in circumference, surrounded by a stone wall 24 feet high, with a ditch 25 feet broad and as many feet deep. The walls mounted 114 heavy guns. The city full of a fanatical population, and, as the rebellion spread, toDelhi flocked full 50,000 revolted Sepoys, with 60 field guns and inexhaustible supplies of ammunition. On June 7, less than you weeks after the outbreak, Sir Henry Barnard's microscopic army made its appearance on the ridge, not 4,000 men in all, and 22 light guns. Only it is a historical fact, it looks like a grim joke. Up till the beginning of September the force on the ridge never exceeded 6,000, and at no time did it ever exceed 10,000, and then only one-half were Europeans. Incredible audacity! Surprising tenacity! That insignificant force clung to the ridge and kept the flag flying through all the scorching heat of that Indian summer, and on the 14th September was witnessed the truly astonishing spectacle of 5,000 men flinging themselves on a city held by 50,000. Soon after Nicholson's arrival in camp he was dispatched on an expedition of exceptional danger and difficulty. The siege train got together by the devotion and energy of John Lawrence was slowly approaching. With unusual daring a large force of mutineers, some 6,000 strong marched from Delhi to intercept it. Nicholson, with a force of 2,000 and a battery of field guns, set out to cut off the rebels. The country to be crossed was swampy, and the rain fell in ceaseless wind-blown sheets. After a sort of wading march, which lasted twelve hours, the enemy was overtaken, entrenched in a strong and almost unassailable position. In the dusk, however, Nicholson led his troops forward, mud-splashed, wet, and weary, and when within twenty yards of the rebel guns gave the order to charge. A swift volley, a swifter rush, and the British were over the enemy's guns, the huge figure of Nicholson still leading, his gleaming sword felling an enemy at every stroke. Immediately on carrying the guns he led his men with a rush for a bridge which formed the only line of retreat for the rebels to Delhi. This was too much for the mutineers; in a moment the Sepoy army became a rabble, eager only to out run the British in the race for the bridge. Thirteen guns were captured, 800 of the enemy slain, and the remainder hurled broken and crushed, back into Delhi. Nicholson's loss amounted to only 60. General Wilton, the officer in supreme command of the forces before Delhi, was a weak, incapable man, broken in health, and dreading responsibility. Having to obey a man of this stamp was a sore trial. One can sympathise with poor Nicholson when in his honest indignation he breaks out -- "I have seen lots of useless generals in my day, but such an ignorant, croaking, obstructive as he is, I have never hitherto met with." If the truth must be told, it took all the persuasion, encouragement, and determination of the brave men around him to keep this General Wilson from abandoning the position. To show Nicholson's temper in that crisis, an incident may be related. He had decided to make a very unusual step should the council fail to arrive at any final determination regarding the assault on the city. "Delhi," he said, "must be taken, and at once. If Wilson hesitates I intend to propose at to-day's meeting that he be superseded." There carried out the threat had Wilson hesitated longer. The long expected siege guns were now got into position, and, as each battery was armed, it broke into wrathful thunder on the city. The fighting was incessant, and batteries were pushed up till some were within 180 yards of the walls. One colonel records that he never took off his clothes or left the guns from they opened on September 8 till the assault on the 14th.


The Assault on the City.

Before dawn on the eventful morning of September 14th, 1857, the columns were drawn up for the assault, number in alt about 5,000 men. To Nicholson had been assigned the post of honour; he was to lead the first of the storming columns in its desperate leap upon the city, and to direct the general development of the assault. The sun had risen some way above the horizon before the signal for the advance was given. Nicholson placed himself at the head of his men and led the attack against the breach near the Kashmir Bastion. The ladders were placed, and the men dashed down into the ditch, and, almost with the same impulse, swept up the further side, Nicholson's tall figure lending; and, as men and officers raced up the broken slope of the breach, dashed back the Sepoys in confused flight and entered the city. The column assaulting the Water Bastion and the Kashmir Gate were equally successful, and in the open space not far from the Kashmir Gate the three columns met -- breathless, confused, but triumphant. The attack of the fourth column on the Lahore Gate practically failed. Once the troops were assembled within the city at the Kashmir Gate they had to their right and left what was known as the Rampart Road, a narrow lane running immediately within the walls round the whole city. The city wall formed one side of the lane, the other was formed by houses with flat roofs. Now, starting from the Kashmir Gate, the troops forced their way through the lane and seized the Lahore Gate and Kabul Gate and came in sight of the Lahore Gate. Here they were checked, and that narrow, crooked lane of about 250 yards, which had to be passed before the Lahore Gate was reached, proved a very valley of death. Scarcely thirty feet wide at its broadest part, it narrowed in places to three. Guns cere placed with bullet-proof screens to sweep the approach; the houses and roofs swarmed with mutineers, and about 8,000 Sepoys had just poured into the Lahore Gate, returning from a sally made on the unfortunate fourth column. Twice did the British try to force their way through this veritable death-trap and failed. The street was strewn with dead. No valour could withstand the storm of lead that swept the narrow way.

Mortally Wounded.

Nicholson watched the twice-repeated rush and the fall, one by one, of the officers who led. When the men for a second time fell sullenly back, Nicholson himself sprang into the lane, and, waving his sword, called on them to follow their general. But, even while be spoke, his sword pointing up the lane and the light of battle in his eyes, a Sepoy leaned from an adjacent window and, at a little more than three yard's distance, shot him through the lung. Nicholson fell. The wound was mortal, but, raising himself on his elbow, he still called on the men to go on. As an officer puts it -- "He was asking dying what he had asked living -- that which was all but impossible." All know how the troops held their ground, and that, after days of stubborn fighting, at sunrise on the 21st a royal salute rang over Delhi, proclaiming to all India that the sacred city, the home of the revolt, was once more in British hands. While Nicholson was awaiting his turn in the hospital, another wounded man was brought in and laid down beside him.This proved to be his brother Charles, who had an arm badly shattered, which was afterwards amputated at the shoulder. There the brothers lay side by side, looking sadly at each other and exchanging their last words on earth. Charles recovered, and survived his brother by five years. In 1858 he visited his mother in Lisburn, and again in 1859 with his wife. He returned to India in 1862, and died a few months after his arrival, at the age of 33. John Nicholson's case from the the first was hopeless; the nature of the wound necessitated absolute rest of rest and body, but this was impossible. He would insist on hearing how matters went on in the city, and excited himself terribly. Leraning that General Wilson was on the verge of despair, and talked of withdrawing the troops from their hard-won position within the walls, the dying hero exclaimed -- "Thank God I have strength yet left to shoot him if necessary." But there were other clear heads and stout hearts around the incapable commander to prevent him committing this irreparable blunder.

Death, September 23, 1857. Tributes to his Memory.

Through nine weary days he bore his suffering with Christian fortitude, and on the morning of September 23 passed peacefully away at the age of 34. Then, from city to city through the length and breadth of India, passed the tidings "Delhi has fallen, but John Nicholson is dead." He was buried close to the Kashmir Gate. Over his grave was placed a solid slab of marble, and on it were engraved these words -- "The grave of Brigadier-General John Nicholson who led the assault at Delhi, but fell in the hour of victory, mortally wounded, and died September 23, 1857, aged 34." Had Nicholson lived, it was expressly stated by the Crown, he would have been made a Knight Commander of the Bath, and the country did itself honour by bestowing on his mother a pension of £500 a year for life. On the crest of the Margalia Pass, the scene of his daring services in 1848, a plain obelisk was erected to his memory, with a small tank of water in the pass below. The Nicholson Memorial Schools, Lisburn, were erected by Mrs. Nicholson in memory of her great son and her other children who predeceased her. His friends would have raised a tablet to his memory in the Cathedral, Lisburn, but his mother determined to undertake this loving duty herself, leaving it to his friend, Sir Herbert Edwards, to supply the inscription, an extract from which runs thus, and fitly describes the great and noble man:-- "He had an iron mind and frame, a terrible courage, an indomitable will. His form seemed made for an army to behold, his heart to meet the crisis of an empire, yet he was gentle exceedingly, most loving, most kind. Soldier and civilian, he was a tower of strength, the type of the conquering race."

(Next week: Robert Redman Belshaw.)


(This article was originally published in the Lisburn Standard on 8 February 1918 as part of a series which ran in that paper each week through 1917 and 1918. The text along with other extracts can be found on my website Eddies Extracts.)

Brigadier-General John Nicholson, 1822-1857 (pt 2)

SOME EXTRACTS
FROM THE
RECORDS OF
OLD LISBURN
AND THE
MANOR OF KILLULTAGH.

-- -- -- --

Edited by JAMES CARSON.

-- -- -- --

LXVIII.

-- -- -- --

A FAMOUS LISBURN MAN.

BRIGADIER-GENERAL JOHN NICHOLSON.

1822-1857.

(Continued.)

Second Sikh War. Chilianwala, Gujarat.  Death of William Nicholson.

At Sabraon the Sikh power in the Punjab had been crushed but not broken, and now, by the middle of 1848, the clouds of war were again gathering thick and black on the horizon. Nicholson was busy night and day fighting, organising, struggling, in conjunction with many more brave men, to avert the storm, but in vain. By September the Sikh army was in fierce revolt and the country plunged once more in war. Nicholson fought through the campaign, and on January 13, 1949, was present at the indecisive but bloody battle of Chilianwala. Our hero was masterful and maybe a little intolerant of the failings of weaker mortals. The story is told and well authenticated by an eye-witness, that during the heat of the day Nicholson seeing a British officer not so forward in attack as he thought proper, caught the defaulter by the shoulders and literally kicked him into the hottest of the firing. On February 21, 1849, was fought the decisive battle of Gujarat, which decided ones for all the question of Sikh or British rule in the land of the five rivers. Nicholson bore his part in the battle, and received the thanks of the Commander-in-Chief for his invaluable assistance, both on the field and throughout the operations. The war was over, and the Punjab now, for good or evil, a province of British India, Captain Nicholson was appointed Deputy Commissioner for Rawal Pindi. He had become well known in the district during the previous year, and the bulk of his new subjects gladly welcomed him. They had already learned to note the difference between the grinding Tyranny of the Sikh yoke and the strong, upright, even-handed sway of the young sahib. At this time the two brothers, John and Charles, met again. The closest, and most brotherly relations existed between them. They were wonderfully alike -- both tall, strong, noble-looking men. William, another brother, had gone out to India in 1847, and died under peculiar circumstances at Sakkar, June 1, 1849, at the age of twenty. He was found one morning in bed with two ribs broken and many bruises about the head and body. The only account which he could give was that he had been dreaming of a fall from a great height, It was supposed that he must have walked in his sleep, fallen from the veranda, and in some way crept back into bed again.

Nicholson Worshipped as a God. The New Sect. Nikalsain.

In the year 1849 was seen the astonishing transformation of a plain, unassuming, honest Irishman into a Hindu deity. Fancy a respectable citizen of Lisburn worshipped as an Indian god! A certain Hindu devotee discovered in Nicholson a new incarnation of the Brahmanic godhead, and immediately proceeded to preach the worship of his new god, Nikalsain. The sect grew and flourished. Probably the strangest thing about this new sect was that no one molested or persecuted them save the divinity of their adoration. His honest soul was disgusted with their fulsome flattery and impiety. He rewarded their adulations with floggings, varied occasionally with kicks. They took their punishment like martyrs and repeated the offence. Then followed imprisonment, and release only on the promise that they should transfer their adoration to a neighbouring commissioner. Eight years later they were still worshipping Nicholson, only at a safe distance. After his death they came together to lament. One stepped forth and said there was no gain in living in a world that no longer contained Nikalsain, so he cut his throat and died. Another stepped forward and said that was not the way to serve their great master; they must learn to worship Nicholson's God. They went to a missionary, and, after a year's probation, several were baptised. Four years afterwards it was stated, on good authority, that the movement was spreading.

On Furlough at Home, 1850-1851.

The ten years' service in India had now expired which entitled Nicholson to furlough in Europe. January, 1850, saw him, with his friend Herbert Edwards, leave Bombay on the same steamer with the brave and courteous old Irishman, Lord Gough, en route for home. On the way he visited Cairo, Constantinople, Athens, Vienna, Berlin, and other places. The story of his journey is full of interest, but must be passed over for want of space. At length, after a separation of more than ten years, mother and son met in London in the last week of April, 1850. In the summer of the same year he revisited his mother's home in Lisburn, and spent some time in renewing acquaintance with old friends. Before leaving for India he had his photograph taken [-?-] daguerreotype. In this he is clean-shaven, and it is the picture which pleased his mother most. In all the others he is taken with full dark beard and whiskers.

Return to India, 1852. Deputy Commissioner of Bannu.

On Nicholson's return to India he was appointed deputy commissioner of Bannu (May, 1852), a district in the Punjaub about the size of Wales. His duties were to keep order, suppress crime, protect the people from the oppression of the tax-collectors, and keep up a sufficient and efficient army. How he discharged his duties may be summed up in the words of one well able to judge. Edwards found Bannu a valley of forts and left it a valley of open villages. Nicholson found it a hell on earth and left it, probably as wicked as ever, but curbed to fear of punishment. From time to time reflections of his memory have been made of unnecessary sternness in dealing with the natives. Nothing could be further from the truth. He was stern, but not cruel; firm, but just. To illustrate: The leader of a band of thieves was killed in a midnight fray. It was discovered that this leader by day was a respectable, responsible man; by night a thief. As an example and warning, Nicholson next day exposed the dead body in the market place. Twelve years later, in the same village, the story was gravely told that Nicholson had captured this man and had him cut to pieces in the open market. Even at home his character was not free from aspersion. Then, as now, there were those who were unable to see that there are circumstances in which the only true mercy is stern severity, combined with even-handed justice. No man has ever called in question his justice. Let those who squirm at the memory of his manner of dealing with the native population pause in their sentimental wrigglings and consider the time and circumstances in which he lived, and be thankful their country had such a man at such a time.

Early in 1858 Nicholson learns that his old friend and chief, Sir Henry Lawrence, was about to leave the Punjaub and take up duties at Rajputana. In a letter to Lawrence he writes:-- "I would indeed gladly go with you even on reduced allowances. I feel I am little fit for regulation work, and I can never sacrifice common-sense and justice or the interests of a people or country to red tape." John Lawrence succeeded his brother Henry in the government of the Punjaub, and Nicholson remained on in his district. Towards the end of the year we find John Lawrence reporting "that he looked on Major Nicholson as the best district officer on the frontier, shrewd and intelligent, and well worth the wing of a regiment, his prestige with the people was so great."

Red Tape. Charity. Character of Indian Officers.

Red Tape was the bane of Nicholson's official life. Sometimes his masterful temper and thorough-going disposition kicked against control. His direct way of shouldering responsibility and doing his duty in his own way had been a source of trouble and annoyance to his old chief, Sir Henry, and not at all in accordance with accepted ideas of administrative decency. Now his new master, John Lawrence, writes in despair:-- "Report officially all matters. I shall get into trouble it you don't. The Governor-General insists on knowing all that goes on, but I can't tell him if I don't hear details. Don't send up any more men to be hanged direct, unless the case is very urgent." An intimate friend once found him sitting in his office with a bundle of Government regulations before him. "This is the way I treat these things," he remarked laughingly, and proceded to kick them across the floor. It is on record, however, that, notwithstanding this practicality of his disposition, the two chiefs under whom he served. Henry and John Lawrence, recognising the sterling merits of the man, bore with him and loved him as a son. Writing to his mother, April, 1854, he tells about a visit to Herbert Edwards, and mentions certain preparations for establishing a Christian mission, and that he had given 500 rupees towards it on her account, his own name not to appear in the matter. A little later he writes again:-- "I have nothing to say this mail, and only write to enclose a bill for £185." Not much to say, certainly, but very much to the point. A student of Indian history is very strongly impressed by the evidence of true Christian piety exhibited by so many British officers at this period. Nicholson's predecessor in Bannu is thus described:-- "Just a saint on earth, duty and religion were stamped on all he did from hour to hour and day to day." A healthy, vigorous, manly Christianity appears to have permeated their lives. They lived religion, did their duty, and so served their country and their God.

Attempt on His Life. Summary Method of Transacting Business.

Nicholson had a narrow escape about this time. Standing one evening with some friends and a few native orderlies at his garden gate a man rushed with a drawn sword calling aloud for Nikalsain's blood. An unarmed orderly stepped between , saying:-- "All our names are Nikalsain here." The relief sentry passing behind at the time, Nicholson snatched his musket and presented it at the man, saying -- "If you do not put down your sword and surrender I wil fire." The would-be assassin cried. "Either you or I must die," and rushed in. There was no alternative. The funeral, however, was not in Nicholson's family. Some of his methods of transacting business were, to say the least, startling. A deputation of petty chiefs from beyond the border came to wait on him. Under the mild rule of his predecessor they had become most insolent in speech and behaviour. They knew not the new sahib, but they were soon to learn. Nicholson listened patiently for some time to their grievances. At length one of them hawked, and spat out between himself and Nicholson -- a dire insult, and intended as such. And then -- "Orderly," said Nicholson, "make that man lick up his spittle and kick him out of the camp." The orderly seized his victim by the back of the neck, ground his face on the floor, and held him there till the deed was done. This lesson had a most salutary effect, and, curiously enough, was thoroughly appreciated by the trans-border men themselves.

The Law was Satisfied.

His powers of investigation were great, and though very prompt when quick action was required, he could be very patient when patience was needed. To illustrate: In the old Sikh days Alladad Khan, who was guardian of his orphan nephew, seized the child's lands and turned the boy out. In due time the boys grew up and sued his uncle in Nicholson's court. Alladad Khan was the most powerful man in the village and no one dare give evidence against him. The case was still pending when, at break of day one morning, a villager saw Nicholson's white mare peacefully grazing on the outskirts of the village. Paralysed, he gazed with bulging eyes at the awful sight, then, recovering from his fright, darted back to alarm the village. Soon the whole population were out gazing at the awe-inspiring, unconscious mare. Alladad Khan advised them to drive her on to the lands of some other village, or for a surety they would all be whipped or fined. Cautiously they proceeded t work, but had not gone far when, horror of horrors, they saw the awful sahib himself tied to a tree. The first fright over and the inclination to run away overcome, some of them ventured to release him. Nicholson, ordering them to stand aside, wrathfully demanded on whose lands he stood. Instantly every eye was turned on Alladad Khan, and every finger pointed silently at him. Trembling, Alladad came forward and cried, "No, no; the land is not mine, but my nephew's." "Swear," said Nicholson," in the presence of all, that the land is not yours but your nephew's." The trembling Alladad swore and then Nicholson was released. Next day the nephew was decreed his inheritance, and the whole village rejoiced that the boy had come into his own again.

Kashmir. Peshwar. Lord Roberts. The Mutiny, 1857.

Early in 1856 Nicholson retired from the deputy commissionership of Bannu and went for six months as officer on special duty to Kashmir. The end of the year saw him installed as deputy commissioner of Peshwar under his friend Herbert Edwards. During the greater portion of the six months Colonel Nicholson served in Peshwar he was in full charge of the district, as his chief, Herbert Edwards, was absent on leave. His services are admirably set forth in a report. Even in one half-year Nicholson made an impression not easily to be effaced. It is generally supposed he was a severe ruler. In some senses he was. A criminal had no chance of long escaping him; an incorrigible official had no chance of ultimate impunity. He was generous in over-looking the past when a man set himself to recover his character. Rapid in settling trials, he used the lash freely to vagabonds and petty ruffians. The people and the neighbouring mountain tribes all felt that there was a master-hand over them. As a native well expressed his influence, "the sound of his horse's hoofs was heard from the Attock to the Khaiber." The crowning and closing period of Nicholson's life had now arrived. The shadows of a dread catastrophe were already sweeping over the plains of Central India. On May 11, 1857, the startling news was received that the native troops were in open mutiny at Meerut, and had taken possession of Delhi. When the friends heard the particulars of the disgraceful incapacity of the leaders at Meerut, one can well imagine their indignation and scorn. With such men as Nicholson and Edwards in charge, in all probability the rebellion would have been nipped in the bud and the story of the great Mutiny never been written. Like a trumpet-call to duty was the news of the Mutiny to the brave men in the Punjaub. How John Lawrence and his assistants responded, how they kept peace and quiet within their borders, how they fed the army before Delhi with their last man and gun, and how they finally fought, so that the crimson banner of Britain floats to-day over every city and cantonment in India, are fit subjects for an epic poem, rather than dull, bald prose. To meet the exigencies of the situation a movable column of picked troops was formed under command of Neville Chamberlain which should be free to march about the Punjaub to keep order and strike swift and hard at open mutineers, Nicholson to accompany the column as civil and political officer. The column was soon at work, marching and counter-marching, overawing the people and disarming tainted native regiments. How the mutineers were disposed of at Mardan can only be looked at in passing. At this station they rose before the arrival of the column and marched off with drums beating and colours flying, some 700 strong. Nicholson was sent in pursuit with 300 reliable native horsemen. Mile after mile and hour after hour the chase continued, Nicholson, on his grey charger, with his great sword felling a Sepoy at every stroke. All day long the hunt continued. From Mardan to the hills of Swat they were chased. Nicholson himself was twenty hours in the saddle, and must have covered upwards of seventy miles. When the day's work was finished 120 were slain, 2150 taken prisoner -- 40 of whom were afterwards blown from the guns -- the regimental colours recovered, and 200 stand of arms taken. Of the remnant who got clear away, many were handed over to the police, and many more were hunted down by loyal native levies. About this time, Lord Roberts first met Nicholson, and his impression regarding him is worth recording:-- "Nicholson," he says, "impressed me more profoundly than any man I had ever met before, or have ever met since. I have never seen anyone like him. He was the beau-ideal of a soldier and a gentleman." Lord Roberts acted as Colonel Nicholson's staff officer.

(To be Continued.)


(This article was originally published in the Lisburn Standard on 1 February 1918 as part of a series which ran in that paper each week through 1917 and 1918. The text along with other extracts can be found on my website Eddies Extracts.)