The French Settlers In Ireland - No. 8 (pt3)

The Huguenot Colony of Portarlington

(Concluded)

By Sir Erasmus D. Borrowes, Bart.


The domestic accounts of the refugees, though not so ponderous as the "Household Books" of the Northumberlands and Derbys, exhibit the local prices of the day, and prove that "Anthoine Seigne, marchant habitant de Portarlington," was making a strenuous effort to master the troublesome language of his adopted country. "Juillet, 1724. Mr. Le Major C---------, pour balance de tout conte, 8. 8. 1. p^r 18 verges de tep (tape) 6d. p^r savon 8lb 2. 4. p^r 6lb chandell 1. 9. p^r une quarte sable (for blotting) 1d. p^r 3 estoue de fer à Thompson, smith de Lea 8. 6. p^r 4 gallons 3 quartes vinaigre a 1. 8. galon 7. 11. p^r une lb ½ houblon 2. 6. p^r 3 Stons de fer livré au d^t Smith de Lea 8. 6. p^r cloux et une paire Inges 4d. p^r 3 verges jaratieres 3d. p^r 4 on corins et une quarte sable 3d. p^r 4 bougles de sangle 2d. p^r une lb sucre bostard 9d. au bleu boy p^r 1lb savon 3½d, a Mon^r le Major contant un Moydor 1. 9. 10. au valet 1lb Rolle Tobac 1. 2. p^r un sledge ou grand marteau 4. 4. au valet 2 brouss de souliers 6d." Catherine Buliod commences her bill, "Meleidey (My Lady) doit," &c. Another variation is thus given:-- "Maylidy Gennes (My Lady Jane) to John Dupuy D^r." In 1730, we find the French agent of the pensioned officers furnishing his account in French and English indiscriminately, thus:-- "For his letter and certificate 2d, interest 7 pour et. au 3 Octobre 1730," &c.; and a gallant major, in noticing the stock on his farm, refers to his "heaffer calph, and boulgier calph." It is difficult to imagine how the domestic economy of any locality could have been more conveniently adapted to the wants of the noble proprietors of the lost seigneuries than the neighbourhood of Portarlington. For instance, we find a refugee from Saintonge holding 68 acres for £11 a-year; 21 acres for £2 12s.; 11 acres for £2 4s.; and 19 acres for £2 12s. These were the lands on which the beautiful wood, spire, and railway station-house now form such conspicuous ornaments. We have before us a long roll of the names of the French tenants of this gallant officer; and if he let his lands in Saintonge on the easy terms by which his Irish tenant, John Hillen, enjoyed his holding, his dependents could not but lament the change consequent on the sad rupture. For a house, garden, and upwards of two acres, John Hillen paid 5s. a year by labour at 5d. a-day, according to "the tally-book."

Vast quantities of beer were made by the French, even by the lower orders, and this they used at breakfast. We find the refugees of the Bordeaux district availing themselves largely also of the prized beverage of their own native land. In 1726, Monsieur Pennetes, a French wine-merchant in Dublin, furnished a Portarlington colonist with "three gallons of Frontignac wine at 6s. per gallon; a hogshead of clarate, prise agreed, £11; a dousen of wine, 11s.: 29th May, 1729, a oxhead of clarate £12. Same day a oxhead of Bennecarlo at half-a-crown per gallon, allowing 64 gallons coms to £8. Same day I took a hoxhead of Monsieur Terson's wine from Monsieur Pennete's seller, but I gave credit to Monsieur Terson. Une demy barrique de selle de France 6. Le S^r. Pennetes in a surchargé la barrique de Bennecarlo de vingt sh: je lui ay alloné en consideration de long payment, mais ay dessin de ne prendre plus de vin de lui." At a later period we find the inhabitants of Portarlington well supplied with wine, &c. Samuel Beauchamp, of that town (son of Monsieur Samuel Beauchamp, "cy devant avocat au parliament de Paris," who had been imprisoned in France), had his vaults furnished with claret, mountain, canary, white Lisbon, palm sack, and shrub; nor was the celebrated Lafitte unknown there. Later still, in 1757, Joshua Pilot (a retired paymaster and surgeon from Battereau's regiment and the campaign of '45, whose family had felt the fury of the Intendant Maraillac, the scourge of Poitou, imported large quantities of wine to Portarlington direct from the eminent house of Messrs. Barton & Co., of Bordeaux, now of universal fame.ⁱ A few more instances may show how well a singularly low price suited the plundered purses of the colonists. Early in the last century we find malt 8s. a brl.; hops, 1s. 6d. a pound; potatoes, 4s. 6d. for 24 stone; bere, 4. 6. a bl.; poultry, 3d. a pair; butter, 2½d. a pound; a kish of turf, l½d.; beef and mutton, l½d. a pound; a milch cow, £1 15s.; a horse, £2 2s., &c.

The French brought with them various trades. The manufacture of linen was carried on upon a small scale by the Fouberts. Of this family was Major Henry Poubert, aide-de-camp to William III.; probably the same Foubert who, seeing Schomberg attempting the passage of the Boyne without his armour, warned the veteran marshal not to omit that precaution. Numerous individuals are described as "marchands;" others to whose names are appended "facturier en laine, drapier, boucher, boulanger, mareschal, marchant gantier, cordonnier, jardinier, macon, maistre charpentier, serviteur deuil, maistre chirurgien, m^e. tailleur, m^e. d'ecole, tisserant, serrurier. One French lady was in the habit of importing from France bales of cambric to a considerable amount, forwarded by a relative in her native land. These she disposed of wholesale in Dublin and Portarlington; and a gallant chevalier, who had not yet fled, still dwelling on his estate at Cognac, endeavours to aid his fugitive wife and family in Holland, afterwards settled in Portarlington, by conveying to them stealthily the far-famed brandy of that district, and other merchandise.

The local names of La Bergerie, La Manche, and St. Germains are significant of their owners' native country; while "the "Welsh Islands" refer us to the "Hollow Sword Blade" or "Welsh Company," from the sword manufacture having been carried on in "Wales. And in the name of "King Street," if not to immortalise, they hoped to honour, the memory of their royal friend and protector.

The schools were the great attraction of Portarlington, the life-blood of the town, and the source of its fame throughout the last century. These took their tone from the high class of French colonists who founded them; and the association of the pupils with such a class, together with the instruction at these seminaries, was calculated to impart a knowledge of the French language in all its purity and perfection; obviating the necessity of a foreign education at a time when intercourse with Europe was a matter of difficulty and delay; imparting an improved and fashionable education to the youth of all parts of Ireland, and inducing many of the Irish gentry to reside there.

Monsieur Le Fevre is said to have been the first schoolmaster in the town. He was the friend and correspondent of Dr. Henry Maude, Bishop of Meath, and founder of the Charter Schools. He was the father of "the poor sick lieutenant," whose lamentable and forlorn condition at the country inn, with his little son, excited the sympathy of the kind landlord and all his family, roused from their inmost recesses the compassionate feelings of "my Uncle Toby," and hurried the gallant captain, in the fulness of his heart, into that breach of a divine command, the remembrance and oblivion of whose offence by the recording angel, Sterne has so beautifully described.

The Register contains the following record: "Sepulture du Dimanche 23^e Mars 1717-18. Le Samedy 22^e du present mois entre minuit et une heure, est mort en la foy du Seigneur et dans Pespérance de la glorieuse resurrection, Monsieur -- Favre, Lieutenant à la pention. Dont l'ame estant allée a Dieu, son corps a eté enterré par Monsieur De Bonneval, ministre de cette Eglise, dans le cemitiere de ce lieu. A. Ligonier Bonneval. min. Louis Buliod."

To our former notice of the family of Le Fevre, we would add the remark of Monsieur Louis De Marolles respecting his fellow-prisoner in the gallies:-- "I confess to you that Monsieur Le Fevre is an excellent man; he writes like a complete divine; and that which is most to be esteemed is, that he practises what he writes. May the Lord bless, preserve, and strengthen both you and him, and this will afford me singular consolation."

From the first settlement of the French, schools were established by Le Fevre, Cassel, Buliod, Durand, &c. A classical education at this early period could only be acquired in Dublin. From a school bill from Mr. John Spunner, of Dublin, now before us, and dated 1726, it appears that his pupil, aged twelve years, had to ride from Portarlington to Dublin (about forty-five miles); and, instead of the price of the classics, we find such items as these:-- "To the smith, 2s. 8d.; a girth for his saddle, 10d." Prior to the middle of the last century, a school for juveniles was established in Portarlington by Mademoiselle Lalande. This seminary was eminent in its way, and originated others of a higher order, and more varied qualifications. M^lle. Lalande was an educated lady, with a fund of shrewd worldly knowledge, and, as appears from her entertaining letters, a most agreeable correspondent. In one of her school bills of the middle of the last century, we can discover the seeds of that taste for the drama, which distinguished the character of the subsequent age, and attained such maturity in the successful theatricals of the Sheridans, the Le Fanus, the Marlays, Whytes, &c., and ultimately at Kilkenny. The item runs thus:-- "To y^e Assembly as Page of Honour to his Majesty, 1^s. 1^d. To a pair of white shoes for the procession, 3^s. 3^d." The grandfather of the boy to whom these entries refer, had been an officer in La Mellioniere's corps at "The Boyne;" his father, born in Ireland, had been Dean of Clonmacnoise, and held several ecclesiastical benefices.

Though the lad himself was thoroughly Irish, by parentage and education, we find in the following item a natural and interesting clinging to that language in which his forefathers worshipped, and gave hold utterance to those religious principles which they so nobly maintained. The entry is short, yet significant -- "To a French Psalm book and Prayer do., 5^s. 2½^d." These books, however, were in general use at all the schools, at which the morning and evening prayers were read in the French language, down to the commencement of the present century. In a printed document, of 1801, relating to the repairing of the French church, the following passage occurs:-- "King William knew from experience, as well as the schoolmasters and mistresses of Portarlington, that attending Divine service in French was the best method to learn it, or preserve it when learned. Though a Dutchman, he attended regularly the French churches in Holland. It was before him and his court that the famous Saurin preached his sermons. About a hundred children leave our school every year. Whenever the celebration of Divine service is abolished by the ruin of our French church, those hundred children will be as many messengers, who will carry the news everywhere. People will imagine that French is a dead tongue among us, and our town might be ruined before we are aware of it. To prevent such a misfortune, let us rebuild both our churches according to the intention of their great founder, King William; who, for fear of any future innovation, had those foundations confirmed by both Irish and English legislatures."^j Throughout the last century, the following individuals may be enumerated as principals of schools Le Fevre, Cassel, Macarel, Bonafou, La Cam, Hood, Baggs, Willis, Halpin, Lyons; and ladies' schools, by Mrs. Dunne, Dennison, Despard, &c. Besides the usual grammatical instruction, a simple method was adopted for enforcing French conversation exclusively; and though not altogether just in principle, the end was attained with admirable success. To each class was given an old key, which was passed by one boy to another whenever careful espionage and a sharp ear, with the creeping, crouching approach of the setter, could detect the sound of the proscribed English language. "Anglois prenez la clef," sounded like a thunder clap to the astonished offender; he took the key, which was probably called for that day by the master, and the boy in whose possession it was found was punished. The statute of Henry the 8th proscribing the native Irish tongue was inoperative compared to the vigorous and successful action of this English Language Abolition Act of Portarlington. Miss Lalande was succeeded by the two Misses Towers -- one of whom married Mr. Hood. This school kept by Hood -- who was succeeded by his principal assistant, Mr. Thomas Willis -- became remarkable as the seminary in which some of the most distinguished men of the day -- eminent in rank, in literature, and political attainments -- acquired that earlier teaching which in after-life imparted such brilliancy to their names. Among these may be mentioned, the late Marquis of Wellesley, and his brother the Earl of Mornington, the Marquis of Westmeath, the Right Honourable John Wilson Croker, Chief Justice Busshe, Judge Jackson, Sir Henry Ellis, principal librarian of the British Museum, Daniel Webb Webber, father of the Kildare-street Club, and a host of others, in after-life well-known country gentlemen.

Mr. Willis has left us some anecdotes of Hood's distinguished pupils: he says in his manuscript -- "Lord Mornington's eldest son (Lord Wellesley) I can justly say excelled in everything. Ladies and gentlemen were in the habit of attending our evening prayers and psalms, which were performed with great solemnity on these occasions Lord Wellesley was always chosen chaplain, being the best calculated for that duty: he was also one of the best teachers I have seen, under whose care Mrs. Hood (when called away in cases of emergency) often placed her class, which she might confidently do, as he was more exact than herself in making the boys study their lessons. He acquired such pleasure and delight in teaching, he has sometimes told me, that when a man he would go indeed as schoolmaster. At times he sat as judge, when any of the servants committed a fault, and with due solemnity, dressed in regular form, wearing Mr. Hood's fullbottomed grey wig, examined the witnesses, and pronounced sentence accordingly. He acted the part of King Solomon in a little French Scriptural dramatic piece, taken from Kings, I. chap. 3, in which he displayed the solidity of his wisdom in judging between the two harlots." Mr. Willis details at considerable length, the traits which distinguished the character of the noble Marquis when very young, and states that with those already referred to, he combined all the natural playfulness of boyhood. About the year 1780, when the Irish Volunteers were embodied, the boys got a uniform, and became an expert regiment of juveniles, having a regular sergeant, fife, and drum. This system of military drill became general at all the schools in Portarlington. "A very distinguished corps, admired by officers of regiments passing through the town" was raised at Mr. Willis's school: of this juvenile' force, John Wilson Croker was --

"The stout, tall captain, whose superior size.
 The minor heroes view'd with envious eyes."

He is described as a martinet, most expert at drilling with the wooden musket, and an able commander of his youthful company. Many of the earlier pupils of Hood's day attributed, in a great measure, their military success in '98, when called on as country gentlemen to assist in quelling the rebellion, to the mock campaigns in the play ground and the sham lights, in which they were veterans while yet boys.

Others of distinguished name when age had shed its snows on the heads of the once-youthful Volunteers of 1782, would sometimes fondly visit the scenes of their boyish campaigns. The Earl of Mornington and Daniel Webb Webber, were distinguished for this amiable feeling, in which they often indulged. A visit to the old play-ground, and the vivid retrospect we there enjoy, has a wonderful charm in our declining days.

"Viewing it, we seem almost t' obtain
Our innocent, sweet, simple years again;
This fond attachment to the well-known place,
Whence first we started into life's long race,
Maintains its hold with such unfailing sway,
We feel it, ev'n in age, and at our latest day."

At this period there were upwards of 500 children at these schools; the rebellion, however, caused great numbers to be sent home under escorts, who were then sent to English schools: subsequently the schools suffered from the substitution of the English language for French, in the performance of the services of the church -- originally built for the use of the Huguenots. Of late, however, they have again attained a considerable celebrity, and are most creditable to those gentlemen who have revived their former fame.

Several books which belonged to the first colonists still remain, a few of which are as follow:-- Paraphrase, or Brief Explication of the Catechism: by Francois Bourgoing, minister; printed at Lyons by Jaaucs Faure, 1564. This book is bound in vellum, and contains the owner's name, "Estienne Mazick." A Bible, printed in 1652. This book has lost its cover; from long and constant use the gilt edging is scarcely traceable -- each page is separate, yet not one has been lost. New Testament and Psalms in verse; printed at Amsterdam, in 1797. This book belonged to Colonel Isaac Hamon, to whose family allusion has been made. The Psalms in verse, set to music, with various prayers. This was the property of Mademoiselle De Champlorier, previously referred to. A small book, very old, in a vellum cover, containing prayers for the Communion; with others, too many to enumerate.

Significant allusion is made by one of our foreign colonists to the loss of horses, and to money paid "for watching the horses at night." The daring exploits of the notorious horse-stealer, Cahir-na-goppul (Charles of the Horses), had evidently raised the fears of our worthy settlers for the safety of their studs. This French officer loved the chase; he had his "hunting saddles," and had paid " Martin Neef, y^e horsfarrier of Kildare, three guynies for curing Tipler." Cahir-na-goppul was an offshoot of the great family of O'Dempsey; through the misfortunes of his renowned race, he had degenerated into a rapparee, and horse-stealer of wide-spread notoriety, carrying his depredations even so far north as Monaghan, by which county he had been "presented," and was hanged at Maryborough, about the year 1735. Even at the present day, the old grand-dame in her cabin terrifies into submission the unruly peasant brat by the dread name of Cahir-na-goppul.

Having requested an aged inhabitant of Portarlington, now in humble circumstances -- a venerable relic of the town, whose day had dawned ere France was wholly extinct -- whose ancestor had been a lieutenant in William's army, and had received half-a-crown a-day as a pension -- to write a short sketch of the family tradition which had been transmitted to her, we just saved from utter oblivion this lingering memorial of the ordeal of other days, with which we conclude our sketch.

We give her own words:-- "My great grandmother's name was La Motte Grandore; her family was so persecuted, that she was sent to Holland with the Cassels, when she was only seventeen years old. A young girl, her cousin, who was steadfast to her faith, they tied by the heels to a cart, and drew on the horse through the street until her brains were dashed out; a young man she was to be married to went after the cart imploring them to stop. Also many of her family (the La Bordes) suffered much; some imprisoned, some losing all they had possessed. My great grandfather made his escape out of prison, where he had been some time, and fled to Holland quite young. He contrived to let his parents know where he was, after great privations; went through the greatest hardships; often had to hide in fields, afraid to enter their own houses. My great grandfather's escape out of prison was most miraculous; they were often hungry, whilst they dare not go to their home to get food, where they had plenty. Memory fails me to let you know the very many stories my poor father used to tell us. His mother was one of the La Bordes. Her father became a soldier when he got to Holland. There he met the Cassels and the young woman (previously mentioned) that her parents sent with them, Lucy La Motte Grandore. Her family were very rich; had good possessions in Languedoc. It is said their place was a paradise; all was comfort. She came over with her husband, John Laborde, who entered King William's army, and was at the battle of the Boyne, quite near Duke Schomberg when he was shot." This respected descendant of these gallant Huguenots closed her interesting tale with an expression of regret that the infirmities of age, and the loss of her contemporary relatives, should render it so imperfect.

The register contains the following record confirming the statement of our aged informant: "Du Dimanche 26 X^bre 1703. Le Jeudy 16 dernier vers les 5 heurs du matin est né un garçon a Jean La Borde et à Anne Graindor sa femme, lequel a esté baptisé cejourdhui par Monsieur de Bonneval min. de cette eglise. Parraine le d' Jean La Borde. Marraine la d. Graindor, ses père et mère; et nom lui a esté imposé Jean. Jean La Borde. Anne Graindor. Bastagnet, ancien. Proissy d'Eppe, ancien. Guion, ancien. A. Bonneval, min." The register also contains an entry of the baptism of her father, Abel Cassel, "aux prières du soir." 12th August, 1736, which states him to be the son of Isaac Cassel and Anne La Borde; and another of the same family is baptized "aux prières du matin." This shows the practice of two daily services.

The French registers of Portarlington are replete with genealogical and topographical information. Dowdall's map of the town -- remaining among the records in the Custom-house, Dublin -- describes the houses and plots of the early colonists; and the Book of Sales, at Chichester-house, in 1703, in the Dublin Society's library, is still more full on these topics. The Journals of the Irish House of Commons also afford much information regarding military rank and pensions. But, with the extinction of the French inhabitants, the interesting family papers, the lively and romantic journal, and the faithful and stirring tradition have also with one exception passed away, and we are just by one generation too late to reap the rich harvest of Huguenot history we might otherwise have secured.



[i] The quantity of wine consumed in Ireland at this period must have been enormous, as shown by the contents of Lord Conway's cellars at Lisburn, which were to be sold on his death, as advertised in "Pue's Occurrences " in 1731 -- viz.:-- "19 hogsheads of claret of the great growth of Lafitte; 12 hogsheads of Margeaus; 29 do. of the great growth of Lafitte. and old; 7 do. of choice Graves claret; 8 do. of French white wine; also, a parcel of four-year old brandy."  The white wines are stated to be "the best Priniaque." At this sale was also to be disposed of "a fine armoury, consisting of carbines, pistols, broad-swords, buff belts, and kettle-drums," memorials of the civil wars of Charles I., and the good services done by the Lisburn garrison and the regiment of horse commanded by Edward, Viscount Conway.

[j] A poem of the early part of last century in terms somewhat satirical, thus alludes to the great Captain of the Portarlington colonists:--
      "JOSHUA might still ha' staid on Jordan's shore--
       Must he, as William did, the Boyne, pass o'er.
       Almighty power was forced to interpose,
       And frighted both the water and his foes:
       But, had my William been to pass that stream,
       God needed not to part the waves for him.
       Nor forty thousand Canaanites could stand;
       In spite of waves and Canaanites he'd land.
       Such streams ne'er stemm'd his tide of victory;
       No not the stream ! -- no, nor the enemy?"

And in figurative language, the poet anticipates by ages a modem invention of world-wide utility --
      "What glories are for Nassau's arms decreed,
       His own steel pen shall write, and ages read "

The above article is reproduced from the Ulster Journal of Archaeology, vol. 6, 1858.

The French Settlers In Ireland - No. 8 (pt2)

The Huguenot Colony of Portarlington

(Continued from vol. 3, page 231)

by Sir Erasmus D. Borrowes, Bart.


The gentry of Ireland maybe said to have taken a lively interest in the prosperity of the French colony. We have abundant evidence that the state of society in Ireland, at the period referred to, required improvement. The association of the gentry, therefore, with the Huguenots, was not likely to prove detrimental. It was then a common practice to send abroad with a tutor the elder sons of men of fortune, to learn foreign languages; but the schools originating here with the French, as we shall presently shew and the French revolution obviated the necessity of such a practice. Caillard, the French clergyman already referred to, had a perfect knowledge of German literature, of which we have specimens in his translation of French letters into German. As the colony became settled, and its inhabitants increased by a gradual influx of military men from the disbanded French regiments of William III., some of these being officers of high rank, whose services in the field were rewarded with liberal pensions, a nucleus of attraction arose, inducing a constant social intercourse with the better educated of other French settlements, and with the Irish gentry of the neighbouring counties: the past history and prestige of the Huguenots never failing to warm the hearts and win the favour of the hospitable native gentry. An old account-book, now before us, shows the system of mutual aid which adorned so gracefully the character of the Refugees. A French officer of distinction, Major De C------------ , owed a sum of money to the late husband of Madame D'Arrabin. Instating the different payments, he adds as follows:-- "Delivered to Mrs. D'Arrabin some time in August, 1715, a large burned china pounch Boull, valewd att tenn pounds, on account of what I ow'd to her late husband. October the 3rd, 1722, by settled account with Mrs. D'Arrabin, she allowed me six pounds more for y^e above said boull, which perfected the full interest to that day," &c. Thus, this generous lady allowed £16 for "the boull" which was tendered to her for £10. And again, in 1724, Mrs. D'Arrabin reduces the interest by £11. 12s. 6d. on his bond, -- "whether I would or not." The gallant officer himself lends Mesdemoiselles De Champloriers two guineas, and also supplies them with "eight car-loads of hay, at half-a-crown per load." Annexed to this entry is this note -- "M^lles Champloriers p^d me two guineas against my will, but accepted of the hay." He knew the text, "La charite est d'un esprit patient: elle se montre benigne."

The same book contains a long account with the far-famed Colonel Cavallier, the l'enowned hero of the wars of the Cevennes. Major C---------- had lent Colonel Cavallier £50, and various other sums; the former, visiting the Hague in 1723, purchases for M^e Cavallier, "18¾ Duch ells of narrow lease," some cambrick, and holland, "which, in Ireis money, comes to two pounds and nine shelings." It appears that the brilliant career of her gallant husband could not save the family from want, for, in the same year, Major C--------- "lent to M^e Cavallier, at her going to Dublin, 14s. 2½d.; and, in 1724, he "p^d to Lieu^t Ducas for Co^l Cavallier to release M^e Cavallier's gould watch, which was returned to her, twelve pounds sterling, for which the Co^l gave me his note on Mon^r Puichinen." Various loans of moydores to M^e Cavallier are recounted, and for another "georny to Dubin," one moydorc. Major C---------- gives Co^l Cavallier credit for £1. 7s. 1d. received from five individuals named, being " five sh. and five p^ce each for one "book," of which we subjoin the title.^d In 1721, Major C--------- "paid to Mr. Wilkinson, for grasing M^e Cavallier's yong maire
000. 04s. 00." The account with this remarkable man closes thus:-- "Memorandum. Y^e Co^ll ows me tor a horse which he borrow'd from me, and never returned, valew'd four or five pounds." "Mais toutes choses étoient communes entr' eux."

To give even a sketch of Cavallier's daring military exploits would exceed the limits of this paper: we shall, however, glance at his interview with the great and powerful monarch Louis Quatorze. The gallant leader of the wars of the Cevennes, having come to a cessation of arms with Marshal Villars, on terms satisfactory to himself and his brave little band, sought an interview with the king. This request was granted, and he was conducted into the presence of his Majesty at Versailles by the Secretary of State.--

"The king was at mass when Mon. Chamiliard came to him, and I was introduced into his closet till it was over, and when his Majesty came to us, 'Sir,' said Monsieur Chamiliard, 'this is Cavallier, chief of the rebells, who comes to implore your majesty's clemency.' I made a very low bow, but was terribly frightened by the speech of my introductor. I remained for some time confused and astonished, and the king having asked me 'what it was I had to say to him, and what was our reasons for rising in arms against him?' Cavallier, recollecting himself, recounts to his majesty in an eloquent speech the horrors of the persecution; that these measures had driven them to despair and to the assumption of arms; that all avenues by which justice might have been claimed from the crown had been closed; that his majesty had been deceived, and that they were persuaded these things were not done by his majesty's orders or permission. 'Finding he heard me very patiently, I went on.' After a little, Cavallier said, 'If you would be pleased to confirm the promises made to us by the Marshal Villars, and in your royal clemency forgive us all that is past, we are ready to shed the last drop of our blood for your service.' Here he interrupted me, and, with an angry voice, he said, 'I order you not to speak one word of that treaty, on pain of incurring my indignation; if the rest of the rebells will submit, I will consider what may be done with the prisoners and gallerians.' He asked me if the Duke of Savoy or any other of his allies sent me money or arms? I answered that I never received either from the Duke of Savoy or anybody else. 'Where, then, did you get them?' said the king. 'Sir,' said I, 'we took care to attack none of your troops but them we were much superior in number to; and having overcome them, especially in the beginning, it was from them we provided ourselves.' He asked me how many of his troops I thought had been destroyed during all that time? I answered that I did not know, but that his generals could inform him better than I. He charged me with a great many outrages, such as burning of churches and murdering of priests and other ecclesiastics. Cavallier proceeds to rebut these charges, and details to his majesty the cruelties of the Intendant Montrevel, who had a young lady of Nismes murdered in his presence, whom one of the king's pages was protecting; the page himself having with difficulty escaped hanging. For the truth of his statement of the aggravated circumstances attending this barbarous murder Cavallier was ready to appeal to the Roman Catholics of Nismes. 'The king then turned to Monsieur Chamiliard and asked him if he knew anything of that affair?' Chamiliard did not deny the fact, but endeavoured to soften down its revolting features. After a few words more from Cavallier in justification of the course which he and his companions had been compelled to adopt, he adds, 'I observed that he seemed a little moved at this relation, and then asked me if I would become a good Catholic? To which I made answer that my life was in his hands, and that I was ready to lay it down for his service; but us for my religion, I resolved not to change it for any consideration this world could afford.' 'Well,' said the king, 'go and be wiser in future, and it will be better for you.' Having made a low bow, I retired with Monsieur Chamiliard into his apartment, where I received a terrible reprimand for talking as I had done against the Mareschal de Montrevel, and especially for refusing the honour of being the king's convert; he exhorted me to make use of the opportunity. I smiled when he continued to tell me that, though I did not believe everything that the church teaches, I might pretend I did, and act as a great many others; that I might do as if I were at a play -- gaze and laugh without taking any other notice; 'when you are at mass you may pray to the devil if you please. Let the king see you there twice or thrice, and your business is done; you shall have a pension of 1,500 crowns a-year for life, another for your father, besides being made brigadier in his army.' I answered him that, when Moses was come to age, he chose rather to suffer adversity with the people of God than to enjoy the pleasures of a court for a season; at which he laughed, saying, 'Where have you got this old woman's story?"' The controversy was proceeding, when it was cut short by Chamiliard telling him he was "an obstinate Huguenot, and that he might take his own way." He, however, dismissed him civilly, ordering Monsieur La Vallée to show him the curiosities of Versailles. "It happened to be the very day that the Dutchess of Burgundy saw company after lying-in. All the water-works were set agoing, and the court in the utmost joy and magnificence, which gave me an opportunity, under the conduct of my guide, to see all the princes and princesses of the blood, and foreign ministers, who were come to make their compliments on the occasion. I was astonished at the beauties of the place, which, after the woods and mountains I had been used to, seemed like an enchanted palace."^e

Cavallier and his party having made their escape from France, their services were gladly engaged by Victor Amadeus, Duke of Savoy. The hero of the Cevennes subsequently retired to the Hague, and afterwards came to Ireland. In 1727, Primate Boulter strongly recommended him to the Duke of Newcastle for an appointment in the new levies, then about to be raised. A note to the Primate's letter states that "this is that Colonel Cavallier who made so great a figure in the Cevennes against the powerful armies of France; he was, in some respects, the Paoli of those days."

Among the refugees of note residing in Portarlington, the family of Des Vignoles claims attention. They possessed large estates in Languedoc, and were lineally descended from the celebrated warrior, Estienne Des Vignoles, commonly called La Hire, who signalized himself in the wars of Charles the Seventh of France, obliged the Duke of Bedford to raise the siege of Montargis, and accompanied Joan of Arc, the famous Maid of Orleans, to the siege of that city in 1427. Two convoys were at length forced into the fortress by

"La Hire, the merriest man
That ever yet did win his soldiers' love,
And, over all for hardihood renowned,
The bastard Orleans,"

thus, with Dunois, compelling the English to raise the siege, which had lasted nine months. The prayer of La Hire before battle ran thus:-- "Dieu^f je te prie, que tu fasses aujourd'hui pour La Hire, autant que tu voudrois que La Hire fit pour toi, s'il étoit Dieu et tu fusses La Hire." At the coronation of Charles, in the cathedral of Rheims,

"The courtier throng
Were there, and they in Orleans who endur'd
The siege right bravely; Gaucour and La Hire,
The gallant Xaintraillers, Boussac, and Chabannes."

From Estienne Des Vignoles (La Hire) descended "Noble Estienne Des Vignoles," living in the sixteenth century, from whom the late Rev. John Vignoles was sixth in descent; he had been twenty-four years minister of the French church in Portarlington, having been previously a major in the army; and was succeeded in 1817 by his son, the Yery Rev. Charles Vignoles, present Dean of Ossory. Alphonse Des Vignoles, grand-uncle of the Rev. J. Vignoles, was a distinguished ecclesiastic in Bas Languedoc, and author of "Chronologie de l' Histoire Sainte," of which is recorded in La Dictionnaire des Grands Hommes -- "Ce livre suppose une victoire prodigieuse, un travail incroyable, et les plus profondes recherches." In 1685, he escaped from France; his library and papers were confiscated; all he could recover of the latter were a few loose leaves, because they were considered as waste paper -- "mais où je trouvai pourtant presque tout ce que j'avois écrit touchant les Rois de Juda et d'Israel."

The individual referred to in the following abstract from the Chancery Rolls was probably the first Huguenot clergyman who came to Ireland:-- "The king, in 1668, in consideration that James Hierome, clerk, had brought the French congregation at the Savoy to conform to the Church of England; and, in consideration of his learning, piety, and being a stranger, presents him to the vicarage of Chapel Izod, with liberty to graze two horses and eight cows in the Phoenix Park, free," &c.

The French families, within the present century resident in Portarlington, were those of Dean Champagné, Sir Charles Desvoux, Bart., Colonel Mercier, Major Mercier, Colonel De la Cour, &c.

Many of the upper class of refugees were "sovereigns" of the town; the authority and duties of which office were somewhat calculated to excite a painful reminiscence of the extensive feudal privileges of their seigneuries, so nobly forfeited. Major C---------- filled the office three years in succession; Micheau, his tenant from the seigneury of Berneré in Saintonge, acting as Portrieve.

A favourite amusement of our interesting foreigners in the summer evenings was to assemble in the cool shade of the primaeval oaks of the O'Dempsey's, which had not yet been cleared away from the market-place, and still proclaimed its ancient name, "Cooltouderrie," or the woody nook; there they sipped their tea, as a bonne bouche, in Lilliputian china cups -- the precious beverage in that day costing from twelve to twenty shillings a pound, when money was comparatively scarce. Prior to the middle of last century, horse-races had been established on the common-lands of the town.^g On such occasions, balls, ordinaries, and ridottos enlivened the sportive meetings. The higher class of colonists, who had been men of landed property, laid aside their patronymic, and adopted the designation of their chief seigneury, or added to it the family surname; doubtless, from a desire to perpetuate a record identifying their name and race with the territory to which they originally belonged, and which they had been recently forced to relinquish. Hence we find the Chevalier De Robillard signing himself "Champagné;" Messire David de Proisy, Chevalier, Seigneur Chatelain d'Eppe, Capp^ne de Cavalerie, writes "Proisy D'Eppe;" Messire Daniel Le Grand, Chevalier, Seigneur du Petit Bose, becomes, "Du Petit Bose," &c.

We have still some reminiscences of the military colonists. The scarlet cloak seems to have been a favourite garb. The Viscomte de Laval was in the habit of wearing a cloak of scarlet cloth, lined with ermine, a sword, knee-, shoe-, and stock-buckles of silver, set with diamonds; and he always carried his hat under his arm. While on the subject of dress, we may notice the curious fact of a French officer employing a tailor to make his maid-servant's gown; and the Brigadier D'Apremon bequeathing to his servant, among other things, his "scarlet cloak and wigs," but these were the

                  "Wigs of Marlborough's martial fold,
           Huger than twelve of our degenerate breed."

It was the habit of the clergy to walk in their canonicals, without hats, through the town to the church, undergoing the "capital punishment" of the great wig in lieu of the ordinary covering of the head. While we trace this sketch, the portraits of the Huguenot heroes of "the Boyne" grace the walls of our own abode. Schomberg, the veteran marshal, a captain of Scravemore's Blue Dutch Guards, and a youthful ensign of Le Mellonier's corps, with others, are all present there. They all wear the demi-suit of armour, the flowing wig, and the neck-scarf tied in the well-known knot of the days of Louis Quatorze. Time has changed the features of the long departed warriors. Their wan aspects

          "Look living in the moon, and, as you turn
              Backward and forward to the echoes faint
           Of your own footsteps, voices from the urn
              Appear to wake, and shadows wild and quaint
           Start from the frames which fence their aspects stern;
              As if to ask how can you dare to keep
              A vigil there, where all but death should sleep."
           
Fair fugitives from Saintonge grace the group; the white-laced lappets of France mark the country of a widowed mother, whose sable robe tells the loss of her gallant husband, a captain of dragoons, who, having been deputed by his brother officers, before leaving London, to solicit aid from the government, died at Belfast, in October, 1688, from fatigue encountered in his efforts to rejoin his regiment. The black tresses and dark eyes of the handsome daughters are still vivid, and speak of the sunny clime of southern France; while the pallid cheek and faded features tell the sad tale of trials nobly endured--

            "The pale smile of beauties in the grave,
                The charms of other days, in starlight gleams,
             Glimmer on high; their buried locks still wave
                Along the canvas; their eyes glance like dreams
            On ours, as spars within some dusky cave;
                But death is imaged in their shadowy beams."
         
The principal proprietors of land under Lord Galway were the Baron de Virazel, and Jean Nicolas, "ey-devant Lieutenant de cavalerie dans le regiment de Galuuai;" the latter occupying 2,000 acres about the old castle of Lea, at £60 a-year, from which Captain^h Richard Borrowes had been forcibly expelled in 1641 by the O'Dempseys and MacDonnells, having been plundered to the amount of £3,440.

To be continued...



[d] Memoires of the Wars of the Cevennes, under Col. Cavallier in defence of the Protestants persecuted in that country; And of the peace concluded between him and the Mareschal D. of Villars: Of his conference with the King of France, after the conclusion of the Peace: With letters relating thereto from Mareshal Villars and Chamiliard, Secretary of State. As also a map describing the places mentioned in the Book. Written in French, by Colonel Cavallier, and translated into English. Dublin: Printed by J. Carson, in Coghill's-Court, for the author, and are to be sold by William Smith, Bookseller, in Dame-street. 1726."

[e] In the "Tableau de Nismes par Frossard," the following account is given of the conference between Cavallier, Marshal de Villars, and the Intendant de Basville, in the garden of the nunnery of the Recollects, near Nismes:-- "On the morning of the 16th May, 1704, the chief brought his troops into the neighbourhood; his cavalry he stationed within musket-shot of the place of conference, and, having posted videttes in positions to communicate with himself and his army, he proceeded to enter the appointed place of conference. Multitudes had gathered from all parts to catch a glance of a person who had so long, and with such feeble means, kept the country in a state of civil war. They beheld him approach, mounted on a grey galloway, unaccompanied, but by an escort of eighteen of his horsemen, headed by one of his officers. Upon his arrival before the convent, he cast up his eyes to the windows, which were filled with nuns, equally curious, with others, to catch a sight of him. Cavallier cautiously surveyed the walls of the mansion, and especially a tower belonging to it, pierced with loop-holes, which gave it the appearance of a castle, and observing that the guard of the M. De Villars occupied the corridor on one side of the gate of entrance, he immediately gave orders for his own guard to arrange themselves on the other side. Upon dismounting from his horse, he walked with a firm step towards the Marshal, who, with the Intendant de Basville, and General la Lande, waited for him in the garden. The delegates of the king, struck with his youthful diminutive appearance, hesitated a few moments; whereupon, the Marshal breaking the silence, approached Cavallier with a gracious smile, saying, 'welcome, M. Cavallier! I have received your letters. I have been waiting for you, but, surely, upon seeing you, I Cannot help believing that you count more victories than years.' Cavallier -- 'Mareschal, I know not the language of court, and your's confounds me. Without pretending to reply in a similar manner, I only remark, that I have always thought you to be as loyal as you are brave, and here I am at your service.' De Basville -- 'Stop, sir: listen in silence to our orders: for the king, my master, must be extremely merciful to be willing to treat with a rebel.' Cavallier -- 'M. l'Intendant! It is not with you that I am engaged to confer. If this is all that I am to hear in this place, then allow me to retire. Rebels! It is you who, by your tyranny and cruelties, have alienated the subjects of the king; and had it not been for you, we should never ----------.' M. Villars -- 'Gentlemen, I have not come up to open recent wounds afresh, but to bind them up for ever. Delegated by a merciful sovereign, I come to announce to you, that he wishes to spare the blood of his subjects, and to enter with them into amicable terms. What, M. Cavallier, what are your pretensions?' Cavallier -- 'I have already given them in writing; I will now repeat them, and although the sentiments of a young man, they are not less just and incontrovertible. M. le M., the subjects of the king unjustly suffer. Our temples are destroyed: your tower of Constance echoes with the groans of our wives and daughters: our young men are tracked like wild beasts upon the mountains; our old men are suffocated in cells: our praises, and our prayers, and our acts of religious worship are profaned and prohibited:- these are our miseries and our crimes; the redress of these, what you call my pretensions.' He was again interrupted by the imperious De Basville, and again the Marshal interposed, and suggested a moderation of language more suited to the importance of the negotiation with which he was charged. The conference lasted two hours. The 'Lion of Cevennes,' as he was called, again mounted his galloway, and retired amidst the astonished gaze of a vast crowd of spectators: recognising at every step, by the moving of his cap, which he held in his hand, the salutations of his friends.

[f] Southey.

[g] At the same time, races for the Queen's County were held on the great heath of Maryborough, as advertised in the newspaper called "Pue's Occurrences," of October, 1736. We shall barely glance at the advertisements, to give some idea of the depraved taste of that period. A ten-pound purse was to he given for fox-hunters; £5 for all galloways. All horses from the Curragh to be excluded. On the second day there was to be a foot-race by unmarried women of an unfortunate class; the prize was for a piece of Queen's County "flanning" (flannel); two-thirds to the winner; the remainder to the next competitor. "All crossing, jostling, pulling, dragging, to be allowed to the foremost women fertile flanning suite." Some days before the race, each woman was required to furnish the keeper of the match-book with her name, and the colour of her hair and eyes. Other conditions and particular information, which we must not detail, were also required. It is our native county, and we would veil the foibles of her earlier day, and be
         "To her faults a little blind.
         And to her virtues very kind."

[h] Son of Henry Borrowes, of Giltown, and brother of Sir Erasmus.

The above article is reproduced from the Ulster Journal of Archaeology, vol. 6, 1858.

The French Settlers In Ireland - No. 8.

The Huguenot Colony of Portarlington

(Continued from vol. 3, page 231)

by Sir Erasmus D. Borrowes, Bart.


"THE thousands that, unsung by praise,
 Have made an offering of their days,
 For truth - for heaven - for freedom's sake
 Resigned the bitter cup to take;
 And silently, in fearless faith,
 Bowing their noble souls to death."


IN resuming our sketch of the Huguenots of Portarlington, the memory of their sorrows, sufferings, and self-denial, brings with it a feeling of painful regret -- brightened, however, by admiration of their unshaken constancy, and gallant bearing in each hour of trial, and of the many virtues which shed a halo on their domestic hearths and public citizenship, when the strife was over. Their sylvan retreat on the placid waters of the Barrow, with its new and busy occupations, had softened their troubles; and the right hand of fellowship had been extended to welcome their advent, and to aid their dexterous and tasteful efforts in planting their new colony. Having previously alluded to this subject, we proceed to notice the erection of their churches, &c. Their great shield and benefactor, the Earl of Galway, with the countenance and encouragement of William the 3rd, accomplished for them this desirable object, about 1696. In the year 1701, the number of French families residing in Portarlington was sixty-four, although the three French regiments in Ireland had not then been disbanded; while those of English extraction only numbered five the aggregate number of families in the town and neighbourhood, French and English, amounting to 150: the church for the former was therefore constructed on a much larger scale than that for the latter; both, however, were endowed for ever with rent-charges of similar amounts (£40 to each), as a stipend for the clergymen. Lord Galway also built two school-houses, for the French and English population, which had an endowment for ever of £32 a-year for the teachers. The boys at these schools seem to have worn a uniform costume. We find the following entry in an account-book of the principal refugee of the town, an old officer of "The Boyne" -- "Ap^ll 20^th 1727. For making six sutes of cloths for y^e blewbois at 18 p^ce p^r sute 00.09. 00." In the first year of Queen Anne's reign, an Act of Parliament was passed confirming the leases made by Lord Galway, which had been shaken by the Act of Resumption, and vesting the churches, school-houses, and endowments in the Bishop of Kildare, in trust, for the purposes specified by the noble founder.

In 1701, the Bishop of Kildare issued a very conciliatory address to the French inhabitants of the town, setting forth his intention to consecrate the two churches; he transmits a copy of the consecration service, and invites them to conform to the discipline of Episcopacy; he complains of Daillon, then French minister, holding tenaciously to his consistorial authority -- being unwilling "to part with it on any terms." Shortly after, however, the French congregation acceded to the wishes of the Bishop, and subsequently continued to adopt the forms of the Established Church.

Daillon, to whom we alluded in a former number, was a distinguished divine, and had been minister in Portarlington from 1698 to 1702. On entering the church-yard of Carlow, a black marble slab, with the following inscription, strikes the eye of the visitor:--

"HIC situs est Benjaminus Daillon, Gallus Britana generosa familia ortus. Ecclesia reformata presbyter eruditus, diu ob religionem incarceratus et demum relegatus qui post LXXIX annos, studio, pietate, et labore evangelica magna ex parte dimensos, quatriduo post obitum Palinae uxoris hie inhumatae animam puram exhalavit.

        "Accipe doctc cinus musarum pignus amoris
          Accipe si famam morte perire vetent.
          Si Cristi castris pugnans captivus et exul
          Urbem hane funeribus condecorare velit.
          Cur tegerentur humo simul onmia et inclyta virtus.
          Et genus ac artes et pietate honos?
          Immemor urbs fuerit tamen haud marcescit Olympo.
          Clamabitque lapis vivet hic arte mea.
          Obiit ille vir Jan. III. An. Dom. MDCCIX."

The endowment of Lord Galway being considered an insufficient maintenance for a clergyman, the French inhabitants petitioned the Duke of Dorset, in 1733 (then Lord Lieutenant), to increase the salary. They state that the last incumbent, the Rev. Mon^r Anthony Ligonier de Bonneval, had a pension as a military chaplain, of 3.4 a-day, which ceased on his death; consequently they are obliged to contribute to the support of the present clergyman, M. Theodore Desvories, which they cannot afford, "having nothing to maintain themselves and numerous families but the small pensions and half pay graciously allowed them by his Majesty;" that it is the only conforming French church in the kingdom that has not an allowance from Government; and that the colony is the most considerable for number, except Dublin, &c. The names appended to the petition are as follow, being those of the principal colonists:-- Josias de Champagné, G. Guion, Du Petit Bose, Jacque de Frankfort, John Claverie, Jean Labrosse, John De Boyer, Jacque de Beauchant, Louis Buliod, Jacque de Meschinet, Piers Tirel, Abel Cassel, John Micheau, Joseph Guion, Arthur Champagné, Anthony Dorval, Charles du Petit Bose, Gerard Bainsereau, David Darripe, John Clausede, Michel Foubert, Joshua Pilot, Josias Franquefort, Isaac Cassel, Charles Quinsac, Antoine Mespret, Terson, Jacob Foubert, Jean Belliard, Charles Camlin, Samuel Beauchant, Andrew Labat.

The Lord Lieutenant and other high authorities recommended the prayer of the petition to the King, and his Majesty granted £50 per annum, which, with the £40 from Lord Galway, constitutes, to the present day, the salary of the clergyman. Gillet, the first French clergyman at Portarlington, had preferment in France before the Revocation.^a Cathard and Des Voeux were both eminent divines, "masters of eloquence in the pulpit, and whose elegant and learned works in estimation in all Europe -- continue to preserve our fame with the public, as their pupils." The former had previously been minister of the French church in Peter-street, Dublin, on which occasion his congregation subscribed for the erection of a house for his accommodation.^b The Rev. Anthony Vinchon Des Voeux, of Portarlington, emigrated from France about the middle of last century. He was the second son of Mons. De Bacquencourt, president of the Parliament of Rouen. Having incurred the displeasure of his family by abandoning their religious faith -- that of the Church of Rome -- he visited Ireland, and was appointed chaplain to the regiment of Lord George Sackville. He was the author of several polemical works; his translation and commentary on the Book of Ecclesiastes was considered of so much importance as to induce the University of Dublin to confer on him the honorary degree of Master of Arts. He succeeded the Rev. Jean Pierre Droz in the publication of the first literary journal that ever appeared in Ireland, entitled, "the Compendious Library, or Literary Journal Revived," 1751; which, however, was shortly after discontinued. M. Droz kept a book-shop in College Green, and exercised his clerical functions on Sundays.

In 1715, the French Refugees of Portarlington had the gratification of receiving ample testimony of the kind regard and admiration which their noble career had elicited in the Royal Household the Princess of Wales having munificently presented them with rich and massive plate for the Communion service, and a finely-toned church hell, which preserve to the present day the memory of that royal lady's generous piety. On the first of these valuable gifts, so well bestowed, are inscribed as follows, and with the arms and motto of the prince:--

"Donné par Son Altesse Royale, Madame^c Wilhelmina Carolina, Princesse De Galle, en faveur de l'Eglise Françoise Conformiste de Portarlington, le 1 Mar. 1714/5." The following is inscribed on the bell, in raised letters:--

"In usum Ecclesiae Gallicae Portarlingtonensis campanam hanc dono dedit Serenissima et Piissima Principessa Wilhelmina Carolina Serenissimi Georgii Whaliae Principis uxor dilectissima, Serenissimi ac Potentissimi Georgii, Magnae Britann. Fran. Hib. Regis, nurus meritissima, promovente Illustrissimo Comite Henrico de Galloway qui - - dum pro Rege res in Hib. administrarat -- hoc templum sumptibus suis aedificari curavit. 1715."

The services and sermons continued to be read in the French language until the year 1817, by the Rev. M. Rebillet, the last foreign minister (assistant), a native of Switzerland; when all reminiscences of "La belle France" having become fainter, the French ministers extinct, the population extinct, the charms of French society forgotten, the French language at the schools -- once "familiar in our mouths as household words" -- comparatively untaught, and the church itself partaking of the general decay -- which in the natural course of events, and the peculiar circumstances of this interesting settlement, had befallen every thing of Gallic origin -- it was considered indispensable to the spiritual wants of the inhabitants that the "unknown tongue" should cease in the church: therefore, from that date, the services have been performed in the English language -- a very handsome new church, on an enlarged scale, in the Gothic style having been erected by subscription about 15 years ago.

Resuming our glance at the Registers, we again meet the distinguished name of PELISSIER. While the acclamations which greeted the progress of the gallant Marshal still rent the air, while

"THE guards their morrice-pikes advanced,
       The trumpets flourished brave,
 The cannon from the ramparts glanced,
       And thundering welcome gave,"

the hearts of his gallant kindred of old, the Huguenot Pelissiers, must have been warmed, too, in their adopted refuge, where the prestige of their trials justly elicited in their favour the full measure of Irish cordiality, -- where the right hand of fellowship was extended to them, and every welcome and every aid was tendered, which the sufferings and the romance of real life required.

In a former number we have given the marriage of Abel Pelissier: here follows the birth of his first-born --

"Baptesme du Jeudi 17 Juin 1700. Le Samedi 8 du mesme mois entre cinq et six heures du soir est né un fils à Monsieur Abel Pelissier cy-devant Mareschal des logis et Aide Major du Reg^t. de Galuuai (Galway), et à damoiselle Marie De Choisy sa feinme, lequel a esté ce jourdhui présenté au Baptesme par Mons^r. Cesar de Choisy grand pere et la dite Marie De Choisy mere, et nom lui a esté imposé Abel."

On the 30th of August, 1701, the family of Abel Pelissier was increased by the birth of a son, named Alexander, who became a merchant, and resided in Dame-street, Dublin. We had in our possession his account, dated about 1753, sealed with the ancient device, "the merchant's mark," viz., an antique figure of four, with an inverted staple, thus: the latter implying that he was merchant of the staple. This, probably, is one of the devices referred to by Piers Plowman, who, writing in the reign of Edward III., speaks of "merchaunts' markes ymedeled" in glass. The family still increased, and we find recorded the names of Jean, Jacques, Angelique, and Marie. In 1703 -- the year in which the Hollow Sword Blade Company of London purchased Portarlington and the surrounding estates -- we find their commissioners presenting, at baptism, the infant daughter of one of their French tenants: they are described as having been sent there by "le Gouverneur de l'honorable Corporation de Hollow Sword Blades de Londres." We may add to our former notice of this Company, that the Government having been indebted to them to a very large amount for swords furnished to the army; in order to liquidate this debt, these sword-manufacturers were induced to become most extensive purchasers of the lands vested in the Government by the Act of Resumption, their title having been secured to the Company. These lands they subsequently divided, and sold at a high profit.

The Register gives an instance of the strict discipline of the Consistory. The delicate health of an infant obliged its parents to request the clergyman to baptise the child at home. This, however, could not be done without the sanction of the elders -- the question was laid before them; and "la compagnic ayant deliberé " it was adjudged that from the urgency of the case, the demand should be conceded, without detracting from the character of their church, "ny prejudicie a nostre discipline." In 1699, the Earl of Galway, from tender regard to his favoured colonists, becomes sponsor to the child of "Jean Grosvener, cornette de Dragons dans le Regiment d'Essex, et d'Anne De Daillon son espouse." The infant was presented at baptism by Jean Nicolas, Lieutenant in Lord Galway's regiment of cavalry, "envoyé exprès de son excellence my lord Conte de Galuuai, L^t general des forces de Sa Maiesté dans ce Royaume." In 1704, "Thomas Carter, ecuyer, et miledy Izabelle, contesse de Roscommon, femme du dit S^r Carter" assume the office of sponsors, for the son of "Marc Vulson, ecuycr, S^r de S^t Maurice." About the same date, a gallant refugee wins the hand of one of Erin's fair daughters. And early in the 18th century, a French officer from Saintonge, allies himself with the daughter of an Irish Earl, and an Irish Viscount weds the sister of a gallant Captain thus approving the aristocracy of the Huguenots of Portarlington, and countersigning "les lettres de noblesse," certified "pardevant nous Henry d'Aguessau, Chevalier, Cons^r, du Roy," &c., &c., in a valued document of a past century, now before us, an interesting relic of the Penates of the old Chateau, snatched in a hurried moment from the ruthless grasp of the dragonade, to to be opened, perhaps, for the first time, in the adopted land of its exiled owner.

The social system of Portarlington, when French life was in its climax, was justly considered a subject of interest. Many of its inhabitants were men of ancient family; "Seigneurs" of broad manors, who preferred liberty of conscience to "houses and lands," and the rank attached to their seigneuries; gallant soldiers; men of liberal and Scriptural education; in short the genuine noblesse of France, who understood the beautiful sentiment of the American poet:--

"Howe'er it be, it seems to me,
 'Tis only noble to be good;
 Kind hearts are more than coronets,
 And simple faith than Norman blood."

Many of the names savour strongly of that renowned genealogical spring. We have the Hamons in Baccaville and Rouen in Normandy, reminding us of the great Hamon Dentatus, Earl of Corbeil, in that historic province. The two brothers, Colonels Isaac and Hector Hamon, were the descendants of Hector Hamon, who fled to England from the persecutions of the Duke of Alva, and is described in the Cotton MS. as French minister of Rye, "minister verbi Dei," in 1569, and minister of Canterbury, in 1574. The De Meschincs recall the family of Hugh Lupus, Earl of Chester; and the descendants of the great ducal house, De la Rochefoucauld, "could trace their lineage unbroken from the time of the Carlovingian Kings."

To be continued...



[a] He had been minister of the Chapel De la Tremblade, in Crispin-street, London, and was married in that Church to Jeane Mestre, in 1701.

[b] Balagnier another minister at Portarlington, had previously, in 1689, the French church of Soho, London.

[c] The Princess was daughter of William Frederick, Margrave of Brandenburg Anspach, and was married in 1705. Abbadie describes the Margrave, not only as a great conqueror, "mais un pieux Electeur á qui Dieu a fait la grace de connoitre la religion et de l'aimer." Hence the pious care his Royal daughter had for the Refugees.

The above article is reproduced from the Ulster Journal of Archaeology, vol. 6, 1858.

The French Settlers in Ireland - No 6 (pt 3)

The Huguenot Colony at Portarlington, in the Queen's County.

(Continued.)

by Sir Erasmus D. Borrowes, Bart.

In the early part of the last century Margaret Sabatier enjoyed from the government a pension of £36 10s. a year. "John Bion sometime Priest and Curate of the parish of Ursy, in Burgundy, and Chaplain to the Superbe galley in the French service," gives the following account of the sufferings of Mon^r Francois Sabatier:--

"It is certain that though there was at first a very great number of Protestants condemned to the gallies, the bastinado and other torments have destroyed above three-fourths of them, and the most of those who are still alive are in dungeons; as Messieurs Beausillon, De Seres, and Sabatier, who are confined in the dungeon at Chateau D'If (a fort built on a rock in the sea, three miles from Marseilles,) but the generous constancy of this last, about eight or ten months ago, deserves a place in history, and challenges the admiration of all true Protestants. Monsieur Sabatier, whose charity and zeal equals that of the primitive Christians, having a little money, distributed it to his brethren and fellow-sufferers in the gallies; but the Protestants being watched more narrowly than the rest, he could not do it so secretly; he was discovered, and brought before Monsieur De Monmort, Intendant of the gallies at Marseilles; being asked, he did not deny the fact. Mons^r Monmort, not only promised him his pardon but a reward, if he would declare who it was that had given him that money. Monsieur Sabatier modestly answered, that he should be guilty of ingratitude before God and man, if by any confession he should bring them into trouble who had been so charitable to him; that his person was at his disposal, but he desired to be excused, as to the secret expected from him. The Intendant replied, he had a way to make him tell, and that immediately; he then sent for some Turks, who at his command stript Sabatier perfectly naked, and beat him with the ends of ropes and with cudgels for three days, at several times; and, seeing this did not prevail over this generous confessor, he himself (which never happened to an Intendant before) turned executioner, striking him with his cane, and exclaiming to the bystanders, 'see what a devil of a religion this is.' These were his own expressions, as is credibly reported by persons, and indeed the gazettes and public letters gave us the same account. At last, seeing he was ready to expire, he commanded him into a dungeon, where, in spite of all torments, Providence has preserved him to this day." Mons^r Sabatier was living in 1707. A member of the family, and a worthy magistrate of a county, still resides not many miles from the original refuge. We were forcibly struck by a happy and appropriate application of the motto of the Sabatiers, "Toujours prêt.":-- from Scotland's illustrious bard we learn that James V. of Scotland graced the shield of Sir John Scott, of Thirlestane, with proud armorial distinctions

           "For faith 'mid feudal jars;
           What time, save Thirlestane alone,
           Of Scotland's stubborn barons none
           Would march to Southern wars;
           And hence in fair remembrance worn
           Yon sheaf of spears his crest has borne;
           Hence his high motto stands revealed
           "Ready, aye ready," for the field."

   
The gallant knight, with devoted loyalty, was ever ready at his monarch's call to marshal his forces in the field under the bannered lion of Scotland, and he reaped an earthly reward. But Francois Sabatier armed with the sword of the spirit, and the shield of faith, was ever ready "in stripes, in imprisonments, in tumults," with an unshaken constancy and a courage unsubdued, to strive under the banner of the gospel in the noble army of martyrs for a higher inheritance, which, unlike earthly honors, fadeth not away.

Among the earliest and chief colonists of Portarlington were Henri Robert D'Ully, Vicomte de Laval, his wife Magdeleine de Schelandre, Vicomtesse de Laval, and their family. This nobleman claimed descent from Henri Quatre; and when the storm of persecution which desolated France overtook him, he was residing on his estates at his chateau of Gourlencour, in Picardie, in honour and independence. The engraving which accompanies the present article is taken from a drawing of the Chateau, in the possession of Mrs. Willis of Portarlington, great grand-daughter of the Vicomte: it represents the handsome and picturesque residence of a French nobleman in all its national features, as it existed in the 17th century. From this residence he was hurried away in August, 1688, and cast into the dungeons of Verneuil. The cruelty of dispersing families, then too common, and confining the different members in separate prisons, was deeply inflicted on the circle of this nobleman. The Vicomtesse was shut up in the prison of Sedan, while her eldest son, a mere youth, who had been placed under the care of a kind aunt who admirably fulfilled her trust, was incarcerated in the dungeons of Laon, from which he was not liberated until March, 1705, having been separated at least ten years from his parents, who were settled in Portarlington so early as 1695. Immediately after his liberation by order of the Intendant, he addressed a most affectionate letter to his father, dated "Fontaine, 4 March, 1705," assuring both parents of his love "quoique cependant j'en ay été privée dès ma plus tendre jeunesse, la nature pourtant m'a assez fait concevoir la douleur que les enfans recoivent d'être auprès d'un père et d'une mère aussi bon et aussi charitable que vous l'êtes envers mes chères frères et soeurs." This kind father and mother had a large family of sons and daughters, two of whom were born in the prisons of France. Of the former no less than five were in the army in Queen Anne's reign, and these afflicted parents, in addition to the calamities entailed on them as the common lot of the noble refugees, (and these seem to have been in their case many and excessive,) had yet to endure the deeper and more grievous affliction of losing on the field of battle three of their youthful and gallant sons.

          "Thou canst not name one tender tie
          But here dissolved its reliques lie!
          And now behold the mourner's veil
          Shrouds her thin form and visage pale:
          Or see, how manlier grief suppress'd
          Is labouring in a father's breast."

The following letter was written to his sister by Louis Fontaine, a younger son of the Vicomte deLaval, called "Fontaine" from his father's estate of that name in Picardy. Three of his sons were present in the action referred to, in which one was killed:--

"May 26, 1709.         .

"Living at Mademoiselle De Grange's, at Dinan in Bretagne.

"My dear Sister, -- Since I saw you last I have endured great hardships. Having sailed for two days after our embarkation at Cork, on the third day we encountered a large man-of-war with 50 guns and a mortar, and although we had but 36 cannons we fought the French for some time, until we lost a considerable number of men, and among the killed was my poor brother Joseph: he was shot with a cannon ball, and poor Mons. De Belte^m with a great many more besides. And when the French boarded us, they took from us all we had, and brought us into their own ship, and put the officers and us into a large room where we lay on deck for three or four nights before we came to land. They disembarked us at Brest, where we remained two days; and while we were there Captain Nicolaⁿ gave David^o and me an English half-crown, and bid us to be as economical as possible, as he had only two for himself and his son, and we were allowed by the King only fivepence a day. They then sent us from Brest to Dinan, which is forty leagues distant; we performed most of the journey on foot; every league is three long miles. We were five days and a half on the journey, and David and I have walked 21 miles in a day. Had it not been for some gentlemen that were with us, we should never have been able to make the journey, for our officer was not with us, and did not know we were gone until after our departure. When we arrived at Dinan they put us into the castle, and there we lay on the ground on straw. Then next day they allowed us to go into the town, where they gave us a lodging for fourpence a night, and agreed to dress our food. Excuse me to my father and mother, for I was unwilling to inform them of this bad news, and pray, dear sister, give my brother's and my duty to my father and mother, and assure them that we are both well, and wish to be with them; and give our regards to my sisters, and to all who enquire for us, whom it would be too long to name.
          "Your loving brother till death,

                    "LOUIS FONTAINE."

Among several interesting relics yet remaining in the possession of the lady already referred to as the descendant of the Vicomte, is a long and interesting address from that nobleman to his children whose escape had been effected, dated "De Guize, le 2 Avril, 1689," being then imprisoned there. In the commencement he tells them his letter will inform them of his miserable condition; he alludes to "the wretched imprisonment" of their cousins De Lussi in a convent at Soissons. The captive father then proceeds affectionately to address his youthful family, in a strain of morality and evincing that comprehensive knowledge of Scripture and readiness in controversy by which the refugees of the gentilitial classes were so remarkably distinguished; the fruits of the superior education acquired at the excellent schools established in such numbers by the Huguenots at La Rochelle and elsewhere throughout France, and the revival of which imparted such academic fame to their future settlements, and signally distinguished in this respect the town of Portarlington. This letter of the Vicomte also shows that his mind was deeply imbued with a spirit truly Christian. Passing from this the writer proceeds thus to describe to his children the prison-life of their parents, the trying scenes they had passed through, and the miseries they had experienced, the most distressing of which appears to have been the barbarous and unmanly cruelty of holding the Vicomtesse a prisoner on two interesting occasions. He then proceeds as follows:--

"My dear children, as I spoke to you at the commencement of this letter of my captivity, I told you that it continued still with great inconveniences, really insupportable, to the extent that I had lost all hope of ever seeing you again, of which my persecutors wished to convince me, unless I made you return, assuring me that this was the only means to restore me to liberty; but God was merciful to me (notwithstanding the torments they inflicted on me) to enable me to refuse them a condition so cruel and prejudicial to your eternal salvation. You were too happy in leaving such a sink of vice that I should consent by a cowardice unworthy of the name and profession of a Christian, and of a Christian enlightened by the divine mercy through the Holy Gospel, to plunge you into it again. You know that I was arrested by the police of Soissons, the 17th of the month of August, and conducted into the prisons of Verneuil, and this was for being accused, as was formerly St. Paul, for the hope of Israel; that is to say, for holding the name of God in the purity and the simplicity that it pleased him to reveal to us in his word, a crime which they esteem at present in France the most fearful, and that they visit with punishment the most severe; this was the reason that I was so strictly guarded in a place most disagreeable and inconvenient, and in which I was nearly smothered by different kinds of animals, and where there was not even room to arrange a bed. I was not there long before I fell ill; it was there that I beheld myself abandoned by all the world; I heard from my friends, for it was not permitted to them to see me: but those who presented themselves for the purpose of annoying me had all license for doing so, and of such people there were only too many to be found. Even your poor mother saw me but rarely, and with the greatest difficulty, which obliged her, though very inconvenient from the approach of her accouchement, to make a journey to Soissons, to try and obtain from our Intendant the favour to be allowed to take care of me in my illness, and to afford me some kind of liberty, fearing that I could not survive any length of time in so miserable a place, and even offering herself to remain in prison in my place for some time; but they were inexorable to her prayers, and she returned without having obtained anything. You can imagine what was her sorrow and grief: however, the good God who always paternally chastises his children, and who never strikes them with one hand that he does not raise them up with the other, bestowed on me the strength and vigour to vanquish that illness notwithstanding the hardships I had to bear. Thus, at the end of 12 days I found myself a little better, which made her resolve to take a secret journey into her country, to receive some arrears that her father-in-law owed us, the term of payment being past; and this is what has been partly the cause of all my sufferings, and that we have so long deferred following you: for as he wished for nothing so much as that some obstacle should present itself to prevent him from paying this money, he judged the authority which I had given to your mother to receive that sum, because it had been drawn up in the prison, was not sufficient, and that a man in the situation in which I was, could not legally negotiate or authorise it; which obliged her thus to make a useless journey; and, to fill the measure of her misfortunes, she found on her return that they had transferred me from the prisons of Verneuil to those of Guise, They thought it was not yet bad enough there. To effect this the police of Laon had orders to come and remove me on the 27th of Sept., and to conduct me to Guise. I was not quite recovered from illness; however, I had to travel, and they tied me with many cords on a horse. The officer who commanded the escort, an upright man, and who had formerly conducted me to the prison of Sedan, for the same cause of my religion, observed that he was touched with my condition, and assured me that they only transferred me that I might be better; but I well experienced to the contrary. He excused himself for the cruel and inhuman manner in which they treated me, making me understand how express his orders were, and to what extent he was forced to obey them; and as to me he esteemed me too happy in suffering for the profession of the truth. All the population of the town came out into the streets to see me; it was not that they had not seen me many times in a similar condition, but not tied and bound with cords, as I now was. I was visited by many melancholy thoughts during the journey, but never had anything so much afflicted me as on arriving at Guise to see a mob excited against me (who could do me no evil because they were prevented) and heaping on me a thousand atrocious insults. I remembered that the Saviour of the world replied not to such outrages, and I had the honour to imitate him in that respect; nevertheless this heart, little regenerated, was with difficulty prevented from showing its resentment. How often did I ardently ask of God to support me patiently under this insult; and then the words of the prophet David, in Psalm 69, came to my mind, where he says, -- "For they persecute him whom thou has smitten; and they talk, to the grief of those whom thou hast wounded." This passage of Scripture for a long time occupied my thoughts, finding that it exactly suited my case. They lodged me in the most frightful part of the tower, so far removed from the business of the world that I neither saw nor heard any thing but the gaoler, who came a moment each day to see what I was doing. I was two days and two nights without knowing if I was dead or alive, and consequently without dreaming of taking any nourishment: so much was I penetrated with grief and agony, and so extraordinary was my depression, that I could not even address God, nor invoke him but by interrupted and unconnected prayers; the end of the 70th Psalm was continually on my lips, saying with the author -- "But I am poor and needy; make haste to me, Oh God! Thou art my help, my deliverer; Oh Lord! make no tarrying." Reflecting upon these words I pictured to myself, that my trials were similar to those of the Prophet when he pronounced them, which gave me Borne consolation; but when I reflected that instead of lodging me better than when at Verneuil -- as the officer who conducted me made me hope -- on the contrary, they treated me with such rigour and inhumanity, it came into my head that they wished to make me serve as an example in the province, aud the image of death continually presented itself before me, which made me exclaim with the same Prophet, as in the 77th Psalm. It was from what I said in that hour that God came to my assistance, or I should have died.

It was then I knew my weakness, and how little I was disposed to be a martyr, and on this subject I earnestly implored divine assistance to aid me, entreating that He would be pleased to accord me strength and courage to do nothing unworthy of the profession of a reformed Christian, of which I had the honour to experience the light; but God had not reserved for me a part so glorious as to seal His truth with my blood; of which I became aware in seven or eight days after, by the arrival of the Intendant at Guise, who I knew was favourable to me. However, your mother, the day after her return to Verneuil, set out again to see me, and God willed that her journey was so apropos that she only preceded the Intendant two or three hours, during which she could only see me for a moment, notwithstanding any intercession she could make for that purpose; and even then only in the presence of a serjeant and four soldiers of the garrison, who attended her like her shadow. She had a number of particulars to relate to me respecting the journey she had just made in her country, but it was impossible for her to impart them to me, and I could draw nothing from her except sighs and tears, which she poured forth in abundance; after which her escort dragged her away against her will, for the poor creature would have taken it as a great favour if they had detained her as a prisoner along with myself. I was affected by her visit much more deeply than I had been hitherto, and I should have wished very much not to have seen her; yet, when the Intendant arrived, she besought him with so much determination, that he was compelled to yield to her importunity; so much so that he not only permitted her to see me, but even to remain with me, and that too in a place a little less dreadful than that in which I had been, which they made me leave at once: but I believe that this change, so unexpected and so agreeable for me that I regarded it as an interposition of heaven, was rather the effect of necessity than the result of any kind disposition they might have felt towards me. I seemed to have entered another world when I found myself in her society, and out of that detestable place. All my unhappiness now was for my poor wife, who every moment expected her accouchement; she would willingly have been a captive for my sake, courageously despising all the inconveniencies which she would meet with in a place where she would have nothing but solitude; this was one great cause of sorrow -- although this was not the first time that by divine permission she was placed in a similar position, only more inconvenient: in fact, you know that two years ago her accouchement took place in the prison of Sedan, having dragged her from her bed, (which from illness she had not left for six months) to bring her there; by the goodness of God she has again, at the end of three weeks, notwithstanding all these miseries and calamities, brought into the world a fine boy, by which means the number of your brothers is again augmented. However, after being in prison seven months, they thought themselves obliged to bring forward my trial, and for that purpose, on the last of January, the police of Soissons brought me to the prison of Laon, to which place the Intendant arranged that the witnesses with the President should go; and with all these forms it was on the 27th of March that, having confronted me with the witnesses, who had not much to say against me, and having been kept before the bar for more than two hours, to render an account of my faith and of that of which I was accused, and particularly your flight, which they positively wished me to remedy by your return, although I had always borne witness that it was not in my power to do so; they showed an order of council which commanded the Intendant to treat me with all the rigour of the law. -- God gave me grace to reply to all their questions according to the promptings of my conscience, and boldly to confess the truth that we had at one time so feebly defended: but it has now pleased Him to show His strength in my weakness, for in myself and in my flesh I recognise nothing but weakness. However, it was ordered, in expiation of my pretended crimes, that I was still to remain in prison for six months; a judgment which they considered very favourable, and which I attribute to prayer to God on that and on ordinary occasions. I am much indebted to Mons. and Ma^dlle de Lussi who were most kind to me, and whom I shall remember with gratitude all my life. At present I haw mow license for writing than ever. May it please God to preserve us to the end of this persecution to shield us from the storm and the tempest, and to conduct us by His goodness to the haven of salvation."

GOURLENCOUR
Situated near Laon, in Picardy, the seat of the Viscomte De Laval.

The Huguenot token represented in the engraving (full size) was brought from France by the Viscomte De Laval; it is of hard wood, and has much the size and appearance of a chessman The mouldings of the head, however, are so delicately delineated by the lathe, as to give, when opposed to the light, an accurate contour of the classic features of Louis XIV. Tokens of this kind were used by the Protestants of France as symbols of recognition; whence probably those commemorative of Napoleon I. had their origin.

HUGUENOT TOKEN.

[m] A Portarlington refugee.

[n] From Portarlington. He served throughout the wars of Queen Anne. He married in France the daughter of Colonel Paravicini, by whom he had seven sons and three daughters, but fearing a lettre de cachet would place the latter in a convent, he sent them to their relatives in Portarlington.

[o] This brother was only in his fourteenth year.

The above article is reproduced from the Ulster Journal of Archaeology, vol. 3, 1855.